[THE CHICAGO VETERANS.]
The great event of the day was the reception tendered the veterans and citizens from Chicago, Hyde Park, Pullman, South Chicago, and the town of Lake. They numbered over 3,000, and arrived in the evening, after stopping en route at Danville, Ill., and Crawfordsville, Ind., to participate in demonstrations. The Chicago contingent comprised 800 members of the Union Veteran Club, commanded by its President, Capt. John J. Healy; 600 members of the Veteran Union League, led by Capt. James J. Healy; the Blaine Club, Second Regiment Band, and many smaller clubs. Leaders in the delegation were Major McCarty, Col. Dan. W. Munn, Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, Jr., S. W. King, Charles H. Hann, and others. Hyde Park sent several hundred rolling-mill men; the city of Pullman 200 car-builders; the town of Lake—"the largest village in the world"—was represented by a flambeau club, the Lake View Screw Club, and numerous other organizations. Their leading representatives were Col. J. Hodgkins, Judge C. M. Hawley, Hon. John E. Cowells, Hon. B. E. Hoppin, Geo. C. Ingham, Judge Freen, Hon. L. D. Condee, Joseph Hardacre, Edward Maher, M. J. McGrath, A. G. Proctor, Frank I. Bennett, and Col. Foster.
The visitors were met by about 10,000 citizens and escorted to Tomlinson Hall. When General Harrison appeared, accompanied by Judge E. B. Martindale, Chairman of the Reception Committee, there ensued a scene never to be forgotten by those who witnessed it. The 6,000 people present arose to their chairs, surrounding the visiting veterans, all frantically waving flags and banners. The demonstration continued without abatement for ten minutes. General Harrison stood as if dazed by the spectacle. Finally ex-Governor Hamilton, of Illinois, secured quiet, and on behalf of the veterans addressed the gathering, followed by Judge E. W. Keightly on behalf of the Hyde Park visitors.
General Harrison's response was by many regarded as his greatest speech of the campaign. He said:
Comrades and Friends—It is a rare sight, and it is one very full of interest to us as citizens of Indiana, to see this great hall filled with the people of another State, come to evidence their interest in great principles of government. [Cheers.] I welcome to-night for myself and for our people this magnificent delegation from Chicago and Hyde Park. [Cheers.] We have not before in the procession of these great delegations seen its equal in numbers, enthusiasm, and cordiality. I thank you profoundly for whatever of personal respect there is in this demonstration [cheers]; but above all, as an American citizen, I rejoice in this convincing proof that our people realize the gravity and urgency of the issues involved in this campaign. [Cheers.] I am glad to know that this interest pervades all classes of our people. [Cheers.] This delegation, composed of the business men of Chicago and of the men who wield the hammer in the shops, shows a common interest in the right decision of these great questions. [Great cheers.]
Our Government is not a government by classes or for classes of our fellow-citizens. [Cheers.] It is a government of the people and by the people. [Renewed cheering.] Its wise legislation distills its equal blessings upon the homes of the rich and the poor. [Cheers.] I am especially glad that these skilled, intelligent workmen coming out of your great workshops have manifested, by their coming, to their fellow-workmen throughout the country their appreciation of what is involved for them in this campaign. [Prolonged cheers.]
May that God who has so long blessed us as a Nation long defer that evil day when penury shall be a constant guest in the homes of our working people, and long preserve to us that intelligent, thrifty and cheerful body of workmen that was our strength in war and is our guaranty of social order in time of peace! [Great cheering.] Comrades of the Civil War, it was true of the great Union army, as it is said to be of the kingdom of heaven—not many rich. [Cheers.] It was out of the homes of our working people the great army came. It was the strong arm inured to labor on the farm or in the shop that bore up the flag in the smoke of battle, carried it through storms of shell and shot, and lifted it again in honor over our national Capital. [Prolonged cheers.]
After so many historical illustrations of the evil effects of abandoning the policy of protection for that of a revenue tariff, we are again confronted by the suggestion that the principle of protection shall be eliminated from our tariff legislation. Have we not had enough of such experiments? Does not the history of our tariff legislation tell us that every revenue tariff has been followed by business and industrial crashes, and that a return to the policy of protection has stimulated our industries and set our throbbing workshops again in motion? [Cheers.] And yet, again and again, the Democratic party comes forward with this pernicious proposition—for it has been from that party always that the proposition to abandon our protective policy and to substitute a revenue tariff has come. [Cries of "That's so!">[
I had placed in my hands yesterday a copy of the London News for September 13. The editor says in substance that, judging the purposes of the Democratic party by the executive message of last December, the English people were justified in believing that party meant free trade; but if they were to accept the more recent utterances of its leader, protesting that that was not their purpose, then the editor thus states the issue presented by the Democratic party. I read but a single sentence: "It is, at any rate, a contest between protection and something that is not protection." [Prolonged and wild cheering.] It is not of the smallest interest to you what that other thing is. [Continued cheering.] It is enough to know that it is not protection. [Renewed cheering.] Those who defend the present Democratic policy declare that our people not only pay the tariff duty upon all imported goods, but that a corresponding amount is added to the price of every domestic competing article. That for every dollar that is paid into the Treasury in the form of a customs duty the people pay several dollars more in the enhanced cost of the domestic competing article. Those who honestly hold such doctrines cannot stop short of the absolute destruction of our protective system. [Cries of "No, no!">[ The man who preaches such doctrines and denies that he is on the road to free trade is like the man who takes passage on a train scheduled from here to Cincinnati without a stop, and when the train is speeding on its way at the rate of forty miles an hour, denies that he is going to Cincinnati. [Great laughter and cheering.] The impulse of such logic draws toward free trade as surely and swiftly as that engine pulls the train to its appointed destination. It inevitably brings us to the English rule of levying duties only upon such articles as we do not produce at home, such as tea and coffee. That is purely revenue tariff, and is practically free trade.