The work of the revolution was now completed, as far as the original design went; namely, that of a change of men, for of principles but few were involved. The ball did not however stop here, as a number of political schemers, with a view of grafting themselves on, and identifying themselves with the revolution, brought forward a number of new projects, which in the first session of the legislature were carried out. The clergy and the military were directly attacked, deprived of their exclusive privileges, and many of the latter dismissed. A new constitution for the State was decreed on the thirty-first of March, 1841, not essentially different from its predecessors, except in the fact of its religious toleration. The governor of the State is restricted to certain limited powers in the constitution, but these restrictions in the end are nominal. From some pretext or other, he is almost always invested with extraordinary authority; enabling him to punish without trial; not only the guilty, but even such as he may choose to consider suspicious.
The Congress or Legislature was not elected for the purpose of forming a new constitution, but it declared itself to be invested with the necessary powers, and proceeded to exercise them. It also passed a tariff, greatly reducing the former scale of duties; although the Federal Constitution of 1824, proclaimed in the State, makes this entirely and exclusively to lie within the prerogatives of the general Congress under the new government. A thousand such infractions have been committed, without exciting remark or surprise. The tariff was altered and reduced, with a view of discouraging smuggling, and thereby increasing the revenue. It had this effect for a short time; but the clandestine traffic is carried on as briskly as ever, and the country having been overstocked with goods, the amount of duties collected has greatly fallen off. The whole income of the State does not exceed at present seven hundred thousand dollars per annum.
For the past year and a half, a new party, if such it may be called, has attracted attention. The object in view is to continue the separation from the rest of the Mexican Republic. It is called the independent party, and is composed of a few young enthusiasts, and a number of older politicians, who, for the purpose of gratifying their own ends and interests, and from their connexion with some of the lawless men engaged in the late revolution, contrive to make it appear that there is a great deal of enthusiasm prevailing among the people; and that public opinion is decidedly in favor of the independence of the peninsula. To enter into arguments for the purpose of disproving this, is perfectly unnecessary. Such a thing as public opinion is unknown; the masses are too ignorant, and have been too long accustomed to dictation and pupilage, to have any opinion. This is demonstrated by the mere fact of every revolutionary movement having triumphed since their emancipation from the Spanish yoke; which clearly proves, that either there is nothing deserving the name of people, or else that they take no interest in public affairs, but allow themselves to be the playthings of every ambitious demagogue or military leader.
The country is not destined ever to be of any considerable importance in the political scale. Its resources are very limited; its capital small; its soil by no means fertile; it possesses neither good roads to any extent, nor a single navigable river; manufactures are almost unknown, and agriculture is in the most neglected state. How then can Yucatan sustain itself alone, or ever figure as an independent nation? The idea is absurd, and could only be entertained by an enthusiast, and one totally ignorant of the elements required to constitute national greatness and prosperity.
Another circumstance worthy of consideration is the existence of a large colored population, far outnumbering the whites. Should Yucatan be left to itself, an insurrection among the Indians would be productive of the most awful calamities; and in that case, being entirely isolated, no foreign aid could be looked for to subdue the danger. The glimpse the Indians have just caught of what they may do, and their exertions in the last revolution being rewarded by a diminution in the amount of their onerous religious contributions, may probably stimulate them to make an effort to free themselves from the bondage of the whites. Many intelligent and well-informed men, residents and natives of the country, fear this may ultimately be the result; and it is on this account chiefly they regret the employment of Indians in the late contest. The chord touched by Iman has vibrated, the way has been shown to designing and unprincipled men, of causing an excitement and making themselves fearful; they have only to hold out promises, however fallacious, to this race, and ensure themselves a certain measure of importance and notoriety. Ere long some “Tecumseh” or “Black Hawk” may rise up, and the most disastrous, heart-rending, and bloody scenes will be re-enacted.
This is the distinguishing feature in the last revolution; it is certainly fraught with danger to the white race, yet in reward of his services the disinterested patriot, the new Washington, as he is styled by his sycophants, the leader and associate of deserters and assassins, Santiago Iman, is now created Brigadier General. The sphere is however too elevated for him to hope to maintain his position; and the slightest change will be sufficient to consign him to his native insignificance.
The state of affairs is now very critical: General Santa Ana, possessed, to say the least, of considerable energy, is at the head of affairs in Mexico: he menaces Yucatan with an invasion; and we know enough of the state of the country, and the feelings of its inhabitants, to say, that should he verify his intentions by sending an expedition, however small, he would meet with co-operation, and such aid as would enable him quickly and with certainty to subjugate the country.
In attempting to present a politico-historical sketch of the province of Yucatan, my duty would be but imperfectly discharged if I failed to notice its newspaper press, an engine which in all civilized countries at the present day has come to exercise tremendous political influence. It is almost unnecessary for me to say that the direct action of the press upon public opinion here is quite inconsiderable, for there is but little public opinion to work upon, and but few papers competent to exercise any influence upon it.
There are only two or three small papers published at Merida. These are mostly filled with stories, local news, and markets, an incomplete marine list, and a collection of advertisements, that too plainly indicate the fallen condition of trade. At Campeachy there is a single small periodical, devoted to literature, and very poorly patronised. These represent the whole editorial strength of Yucatan. These papers never pretend to differ in opinion with the government upon any question of public policy. They do not aspire to control public opinion, except that opinion may be at variance with the wishes of the “powers that be.” There is no freedom of discussion about the policy of the government or the religious establishments of the country, allowed or ever asked. What of interest these papers possess, therefore, arises from the stories which they occasionally publish, and the local news. It is obvious that the full force and efficacy of the newspaper have never been realized in any part of Mexico.