Each of these national sections, however great the number of their members may be, is constituted through the simple fact that all are agreed to work for the common end.
Even an assembly held in a private house, without any appeal to the public, may be regarded as the nucleus of such a section. It is sufficient to nominate a secretary and to vote to meet at least once a month, in order to keep in touch with the progress of the union and to devise means for propaganda.
As soon as a section is recognized by the Central Committee in London, it belongs to the Association.
I was now commissioned to draw up a new circular inviting to the definitive formation of an association, and to induce influential personages to join in signing this circular as preliminary committee. I undertook this labor, and on the eighteenth of October all the journals printed the following appeal, with full headings:
The International Peace and Arbitration Association (headquarters in London; president, Hodgson Pratt; vice presidents, the Duke of Westminster, Cardinal Manning, the Marquis of Ripon, the Bishop of London, etc.), whose various branches, established in almost every country in Europe, are to be represented at the next Congress (Rome, November 9, 1891), has now among the rest, by action taken at a preliminary meeting of sympathizers held on the twenty-ninth of September, an Austrian section.
But in order that this section may be able effectively to perform the duties devolving on it in this country, in order that it may be in a condition to spread and grow strong, it has determined to organize itself as a regular and legal society, whose constitution is then to be submitted to the proper authorities for acceptance.
The Association is not to be political, for its object—“the furtherance of the principle of a durable peace among the nations”—is purely humanitarian. If, in the last analysis, it is incumbent upon this tendency to exert some influence on the course of politics in general, this is only what is common to all humanitarian and civilizing efforts; for all such are characterized by aiming at the amelioration and progress of human society, and thus influence the development of social conditions in all directions. We are concerning ourselves only with one thing,—the recognition and promulgation of the simple principle that
human society—whether as individuals or as groups of individuals, called nations—has to seek the foundation of its true welfare in unity, not in separation; in mutual cöoperation, not in mutual enmity.
Moreover, connection with the society presupposes the conviction that war is a fearful evil, but by no means an unavoidable evil; that in the intercourse of civilized nations the status of force should, and may, be replaced by the status of law.
So one who joins the general Peace Association, or any of its branches, does not have to start with any political programme; on the contrary, the advocacy of any such programme is excluded from the debates of the meetings by the constitution. In the community of purpose is to be found the reason why the hosts of the friends of peace may be drawn from all ranks and all parties; hence it is, too, that in the lists of members of the various peace societies the names of Whigs and Tories, of socialists and aristocrats, of freethinkers and church dignitaries, stand together.