1900 or 1901 · Address to the powers · Letters from Henryk Sienkiewicz · Letter from the Prince of Mingrelia · Count Apponyi’s press scheme · The Interparliamentary Conference at Paris · Count Apponyi on the Conference · Dr. Clark’s action regarding Chamberlain and President Kruger · Altera pars · The troubles in China · Letters from Yang-Yü to my husband · The Peace Congress at Paris · The Bloch family · Madame Séverine · The Exposition · Dinner at Professor Charles Richet’s · Miss Alice Williams · Literary work · Nomination of the Hague judges · Letters from Martens and Schönborn · D’Estournelles’s lecture in Vienna · Dr. Holls’s mission · Our silver wedding · Letter from Tolstoi · First assignment of the Nobel prizes · Dunant’s thanks · Decennial celebration of the Union · Letters of congratulation from Passy, Szell, Schönborn, D’Estournelles, Chlumecky, Rosegger and Björnson

Now we began to write 1900. A new century. To be sure the ancient controversy raged a good deal as to whether the century began with the cipher or with the figure one; but I think that the number 1901 signifies that the first year of the twentieth century is finished, so that it begins with 1900, therefore it already is.[[44]] To be sure, time runs without figures into the Ocean of Eternity, but such turning points are always impressive.

Even the Tsar’s rescript said, “This Conference should be, by the help of God, a happy presage for a century which is about to open.” Our age, however, allowed this significant epoch to pass by without “turning over a new leaf,” without saying, “Now we will dedicate the twentieth century by breaking with the old barbarism.”

Barbarism was happily rescued by its admirers, and an immeasurably horrible and pitiful war, with lurid-glaring jingoism in its train, raged as a portentous presage marking the transition from the old century to the new.

All the pacifists were troubled and indignant over this turn of affairs; but none was disheartened. It is well known that the line of progress often runs back a little in order later to advance with accelerated rapidity; and the results already achieved, the unexpected new victories in the domain of the peace cause, were already in our hands. That certainly was not going backwards. In the work of the pioneers also there was no moment of inaction; the protests against the continuation of the South African war, the reminder to the powers that mediation was open to them, the articles, the petitions,—all these things were zealously attended to by our Bern Bureau, by Stead in his Weekly, by the Unions in their meetings. Even though no direct result was attained, still the principle was unviolated, the standpoint was held, the banner was kept aloft.

Our friends had organized an international demonstration in the form of an address to the powers, signed by public societies and distinguished individuals of all nations. The names of those who were included were both numerous and imposing; but I will here call attention only to the answer of one great man who refused to join with us. I had sent out a great many invitations, among others one to Henryk Sienkiewicz. He sent me a long reply, in which he declined to sign the petition because he held the opinion that there were much worse and more pressing sufferings to be relieved than those of the Boers; for instance, the sufferings of the Poles persecuted by “Hakatism.” He believed that the English would never be able—even though they might be victorious in the Transvaal—to attempt to denationalize the people there and deprive them of all freedom. So we might much better work for people nearer at home; such was the conclusion of Sienkiewicz’s letter:

Ah, madam, before taking up with Africa, interest yourself in Europe. A gigantic humanitarian work is within your reach. Endeavor to make the spirit of the German nation ennoble the present régime, and see to it that it does not become debased by false statesmanship.

England gave birth to a great minister who spent his life in defending the rights of oppressed Ireland; can you show me another in all Europe? Leave the English spirit in peace, for it will of itself attain the end that you propose, and work for causes nearer home. Elevate political morality, ennoble the consciences of the mighty; may the clouds of injustice and of treason against human right vanish away! May a breath of humanity freshen the air poisoned by Hakatist currents! Carry the good tidings to your neighbors, bring them words of love, endeavor to instill the Kingdom of Christ into their souls. You have a noble heart, a good and unshaken will!

I replied in a few lines in which I informed him that I desired to reply to him in an open letter. Thereupon Sienkiewicz wrote back:

Warsaw, March 7, 1900