It is therefore not an accident only that at most, if not at all of the Labor Day gatherings, prominent politicians are invited to speak, and that those parades generally lead the mass of the workers past the City Hall and other such buildings, from the windows of which the politicians review the parade and flatteringly cheer the tramping hosts of poor, deluded workers. What is needed to reveal the true political significance of the performance is that the union leaders,—hungry for political jobs or nominations—should order a big banner carried in the parade bearing an inscription about as follows: “Look, gentlemen-politicians! See what a big herd of voting cattle we have this time to sell! How, what are you going to bid for them? What nominations will you give to us, the leaders; what appointments to political jobs will you promise to us if we deliver the votes of this herd to you?”
Judas Reward of “Labor Leaders”.
And the result generally is that the politicians generally conclude, in order to insure the success of their capitalist parties, to bait their political hooks with some prominent “union leaders” whom they nominate for some insignificant office on their tickets, and the mass of deluded workers, out of misplaced loyalty to their brother-union man, swallow bait, hook and all, dividing their forces between the leading capitalist parties.
Another form of rewarding the union leaders, who succeed in advertising their value on the political market or who render valuable services to capitalists, is to have them supplied with good political jobs. Not to mention smaller instances of local character, few of the many instances of prominent appointments could be cited as illustrations.
Ex-President Taft, following the example of his predecessors, as soon as he assumed power, appointed a “labor-leader,” Daniel O’Keefe, of the Longshoremen’s Union, to the office of Federal Commissioner of Immigration, with a fat salary and fatter emoluments. President Wilson appointed two prominent “labor leaders” to positions on the Federal Commission on Industrial Relations—they were: John B. Lennon, of the Journeymen Tailors’, an anti-Socialist and member of the National Executive Committee of the capitalist organization, known as the “National Civic Federation,” and James O’Connell, of the International Association of Machinists, and also a member of the National Executive Committee of the reactionary “Militia of Christ,” organized by the Roman-Catholic political machine to fight Socialism. The Commissioners are paid more than liberally by the Government.
Case of Secretary of Labor, Wm. B. Wilson.
The United Mine Workers have among their leaders in Pennsylvania a certain William B. Wilson. He soon became a proprietor in the mining business, but retained membership and leadership in the miners’ union. That helped him to get nominations on capitalist tickets, and he was thus elected Congressman on such a ticket. In the Congress in Washington he became the leader of the so-called Labor Group, that is, of other such Congressmen with union cards in their pockets, upon several of whom Col. Mulhall has since cast considerable light. When agitation was begun to create the Department of Labor as a new department of the Federal Government, with a seat for the Secretary of Labor in the Cabinet of the President of United States, President Gompers and other leaders of the American Federation of Labor began to agitate that “our Bill,” Mr. William B. Wilson, should be given the job and the power of Secretary of Labor. Accordingly, when the Department of Labor was created and President Woodrow Wilson assumed power, he immediately gave to “our Bill” the job of Secretary of Labor, with a salary of $12,000 a year, and power to distribute a large number of good political jobs to his friends. One of the first things William B. Wilson did when he became Secretary of Labor was to give to the son of Samuel Gompers one of the best jobs at his disposal. It was thus a complete case of one hand washing the other.
John Mitchell Case.
Take again the case of John Mitchell, the former President of the United Mine Workers and still a national leader of that organization. He is likewise a member of the National Executive Committee of the anti-Socialist “Militia of Christ.” He belonged to the National Civic Federation too, and held there a job of “settling” big strikes for which he received $6,000 a year salary. But the union miners woke up and compelled him, if he did not want to be expelled from the union, and lose his value to the capitalists, to give up that job and get out of the debauched and debauching Civic Federation. Poor John, shedding the tears of sacrifice and martyrdom, left the Civic Federation. But he did not like to remain long in the ranks of the “unemployed.” Though even during the period when he had no “steady job” he was “turning an honest penny” lecturing all over the country as the apostle of Peace between Capital and Labor, charging good admission fees to his lectures, having the railroads run special excursion trains to the towns where he lectured, etc., he was still yearning for a steady position.
Finally the Democratic capitalist Governor Sulzer of New York, believing that such virtuous men must be rewarded properly, and anxious to boost his own political stock by demonstrating his appreciation of the services of the Labor Leaders, took upon himself to champion the cause of John Mitchell’s career. There is in New York State a good paying political office known as Commissioner of Labor. Its chief and real function is to act as peacemaker whenever Brother Capital and Brother Labor are engaged in any of their interminable scraps. When the Tammany Hall politician Dix was Governor he gave that job to a “labor” politician Williams, who boasts of carrying in his pocket the membership card of the Carpenters’ Union. Williams’ term recently expired, and Governor Sulzer, Dix’s successor, seized the opportunity for playing “labor politics.” He appointed John Mitchell to the position of Commissioner of Labor at an increased salary, bringing it up to $8,000 a year. But here he struck a snag. Such a fat job was bound to make the mouth water not of Mitchell alone. Mitchell is not the only Labor Leader on the political market. There are other politicians, among Labor Leaders and otherwise, who would be glad to get hold of such a job, and besides, these others are more partisan Democrats than Mitchell is, and, consequently, enjoy the support of the more strictly Democratic partisan members of the Senate of the State of New York, who must ratify Governor Sulzer’s appointments. Accordingly the Senate refused to ratify the appointment of Mitchell to the position. Sulzer sent to the Senate for the second time the appointment of Mitchell to the same position. The Senate again refused to ratify and thereupon the legislature adjourned for the summer. Here, thought Sulzer and Mitchell, was their chance to put through their deal. Since the term of Commissioner Williams had expired, and he was only holding over awaiting the appointment of his successor, Sulzer, Mitchell, and Williams put their heads together and hatched out a nice little scheme. Williams put in his resignation from the office to take place immediately. Governor Sulzer accepted it and, since a vacancy was thus created and the Legislature was not in session, he, as a “matter of emergency,” immediately appointed Mitchell to fill the vacancy at a salary of $8,000 a year. Mitchell, on the spot, took the oath of office. He then turned around and appointed Williams to act as his first Deputy Commissioner of Labor, at a salary of $5,000 a year. Everything appeared to be smooth sailing. Mitchell was already planning how he would distribute among his labor leader friends the many other jobs at his disposal, but—“there is many a slip ‘twixt the cup and the lip,” as poor Sulzer and Mitchell learned to their sorrow.