Statements.—Curr remarks shortly but clearly: "Parental affection always endured," after the children left their parents and became practically independent of them.[824]
A story showing strong filial attachment is told by R. Dawson. Relating an anecdote, he concludes: "The manner in which Youee told the story was exceedingly interesting; his lamentations, that 'white pellow' should treat his father so, and the mild complaining tone in which they were made, thoroughly portrayed his filial attachment to his father, of whom he said several times, turning to him with a tone and manner that could not be mistaken, 'Murry good wool man! Murry good wool man, massa.'"[825]
A characteristic story, proving paternal affection, is told by Bonney. An old man was once cut with a tomahawk by his son, a big, strong man who had fits of madness. "The old man returned to the camp and with tears in his eyes told me what had happened, and begged me to assist him to bring back his mad son before he had perished in the bush."[826]
We have also a few statements about the relations between grandparents and grandchildren. We are informed that among the Mukjarawaint the grandparents had the exclusive right to decide whether the child should be killed directly after birth or allowed to live. In the former case the grandparents had the privilege of eating the child.[827] We read of the important rôle the grandmother played in the North Queensland tribes at the naming of the child,[828] and amongst the Euahlayi at the Betrothal Ceremony.[829] Amongst the Kurnai also "the name is given by the paternal grandfather or grandmother, or in default by the mother's parents."[830]
A series of interesting instances is told by Fraser. He says, "Their natural affections are keen; in proof of this I need only refer to their grief over a dead relative, even though it be a very young child; they utter loud lamentations and cut and burn the flesh of their bodies in grief. This expression of grief is not all artificial or professional like the hired 'ululatus' of the Romans or the 'keening' of the Irish. That it is genuine on the part of the near relatives of the deceased I can prove by examples. Jackey, the 'king' of the Gresford blacks, died and was buried; his mother could not be induced to leave the spot; she sat there night and day, refusing food, until one morning she was found dead on his grave. She was buried beside her son."[831]—"A woman of the Dungog tribule had a child which was hunch-backed and otherwise deformed; she carried it on her back for eighteen or nineteen years; it seemed always no bigger than a child of six or seven years. Her husband also carried about, for two or three years, a son whose feet from the ankles had been destroyed by frostbite."[832]—"At Durham Downs (Queensland), 'king' Brady had a little boy, two years old, who became helpless from disease; the mother carried him about with her for many years."[833]—"Then again, the transport of delight with which Buckley was received by a woman of a local tribe who believed that this white man was her deceased son come to life again, is a proof of the strength of natural affection among them."[834]
To this last might be added several other instances where white people were received with the greatest love and affection by their "black parents," who believed them to be their dead children. As we mentioned these examples above ([p. 222]) in another connection we merely refer the reader to that place.
Salvado says: "Reprenant la suite de mon récit, je dirai que les fils adultes payent de retour l'affection de leurs parents. S'ils sont vieux, ils réservent pour eux les meilleures pièces de gibier, ou de tout autre mets, et se chargent de venger leurs offenses. Enfin ils leurs témoignent leur amour au delà de la tombe, en tuant un ou deux sauvages quand leur père vient à mourir."[835]
In the description of mourning and burial it appears in several places that the "immediate relations," probably in the first place their own parents and children, have special duties and obligations. "In the Tongaranka tribe, when a death occurs, the immediate relations smear themselves with Kopai (gypsum)."[836]
"When one of the ... Wiim-baio tribe died ... the relations used to lie with their heads on the body, and even stretched at length on the corpse."[837] In the same tribe after a man's death "his immediate relations cut off their hair and applied to their heads a paste."[838]
In the Chepara tribe "the relations of a dead person for several months after wore emu feathers, dyed red." "The mother of the deceased had her nose and all her body painted with stripes of white pipeclay, and wore red feathers over the whole of her head. A sister had also her head covered with red feathers, but was not painted white. After a few weeks the painting was changed to red, and then was worn by father, mother and sisters for a long time."[839]
At Port Stephens "an old couple had an only daughter of whom they were very fond. She died, and her parents built their hut over her grave close to the shore of the harbour, and lived there many months, crying for her every evening at sunset."[840]
In the description of mourning ceremonies given by Spencer and Gillen it appears plainly that the rôle of the individual mother was quite singular and the most important. "The actual mother of the deceased was painted deeply all over with pipeclay."[841] "On the way to the grave the actual mother often threw herself heavily on the ground and attempted to cut her head with a digging stick."[842]
Also the blood brother plays, apparently, a part different from that of the tribal ones. "After going a short distance they were met by a man who was a blood brother of the dead woman, and was accompanied by a number of his tribal brothers."[843]
All this evidence, although relatively scanty, shows clearly that the individual relations between parents and children continued to be strong and intimate. This fact also throws light on the character of these relations during early childhood. In this period the bonds were formed, and they must have been formed in a very strong and thorough manner indeed if they lasted so long. This conclusion is of such a general and fundamental character, and the evidence is so scanty, that it would be futile to attempt tracing any geographical distinctions between the different tribes. Like the other general conclusions arrived at in this chapter, it has features common to all the aboriginal tribes of Australia.
We have extremely scanty information concerning the relation between brothers and sisters; and the few hints we possess are very contradictory. Thus Gason says that a brother and sister "would sacrifice their lives for one another if called upon."[844] And Fraser informs us that when a man is sick it is his brother's duty to tend him and carry him about. And the author gives an example in support of this statement.[845] And again we read in Oldfield that a girl, if her mother is dead, "is bound to supply them (her brothers) with food for a certain period; indeed, brothers in general retain the privilege of maltreating their sisters long after these latter became the property of another."[846] On the other hand, Grey states that no "common bond of union" exists between brothers and sisters of the same father.[847] And according to Spencer and Gillen a man may never speak from a near to his younger sister, although he may speak freely to his older one.[848] Among the natives of Yorke's Peninsula brothers and sisters were not allowed to converse.[849] In some West Australian tribes the boy was never allowed to speak to his sisters after the initiation ceremony. He had to say farewell to his sisters before he went to the initiation. The "own" brothers and sisters keep apart from each other. And even boys or girls of the same class cannot speak or play together.[850] The first three statements appear to indicate a close individual relationship between brother and sister; the four following seem to deny it again. Recalling to mind what we learned about the relation in question in other connections, we hardly get much help therefrom. The exchange of sisters would point to some ties; but, it is too uncertain a hint. The facts that children are suckled for a long time, and that owing to that and to the practice of infanticide connected with it, the children succeed each other at long intervals, reduce the possibility of close ties between the children of the same parents; especially as they so soon leave the parental camp, and as probably afterwards the intercourse between the sisters and brothers is interrupted (compare statements of Curr and Spencer and Gillen). On the whole we know very little about the relation in question; and we may only conjecture, although with a high degree of probability, that the tie is not a very strong one and does not play an important part in family life; if it were otherwise we probably would know more about it.
CHAPTER VIII
ECONOMICS
Now we proceed to pass in survey the economic facts connected with family life in Australia. As we are dealing with the individual family, the first question that naturally presents itself is: How far in Australia is the individual family an economic unit? In other words, in what way is the individuality of the single family determined by the economic facts?
To answer this general question we are led to examine various sets of facts. In the first place, we know that in primitive societies there is already a rudimentary division of labour, or rather a division of economic functions, within the household. It is usually called the sexual division of labour; obviously it makes the household an economic unit; for it is just the division of labour which establishes the unity of a social group from the economic point of view. We must ask, therefore: Which, respectively, are the chief functions of the husband and of the wife? Who provides the food and performs the labours of the camp?
The economic unity of the family may also be constituted by other facts. It is necessary in this connection to say a few words again of individual land ownership, discussed above in connection with the mode of living; several statements must be adduced referring to the well-known features of communism and general liberality among the Australian blacks. These features throw considerable light upon native economics with reference to the constitution of the family. Let us begin by examining the evidence on the sexual division of labour.
Statements.—The question of the economic side of family life is quite correctly set forth and answered by Howitt[851]: Amongst the Kurnai, as "the pairing family is strictly established," we might expect "that the domestic life, the arrangements of the family circle, and the division of labour should conform, more or less perfectly, to that condition.... The man has to provide for his family with the assistance of his wife. His share is to hunt for their support and to fight for their protection." The woman has to build the hut, to fish, to gather fruit seeds and all vegetable food, and to weave rush bags or nets. "The supply of vegetable food procured by the woman is all devoted to her husband, her children and herself."[852] The man's contribution goes only in part to supply the wants of his own family, the rest being divided between other relatives (see below). Fishing belonged to both sexes.[853]
Dawson reports the existence of permanent and temporary dwellings in his tribes. "The men share the labour of making the permanent dwelling, but the women are compelled to erect the smaller one."[854] The women carry in bags on their back all domestic utensils, as sticks, tinder for producing fire, gum for cement, shells, tools, charms and food. The custom of carrying burning fire-sticks is also reported by Dawson.[855] And in another place we read: "After marriage the women are compelled to do all the hard work of erecting habitations, collecting fuel and water, carrying burdens, procuring roots and delicacies of various kinds, making baskets for cooking roots and other purposes, preparing food, and attending to the children. The only work the men do in time of peace is to hunt for opossums and large animals of various kinds, and to make rugs and weapons."[856]
A still clearer picture of the division of labour between the sexes is drawn by Curr in his Memoirs. On the march the men carried the arms and their personal effects; the women had to carry all the other implements as well as the small children. The supply of vegetable food belonged to them.[857] When several families camped together the women went in parties to procure roots, small animals and other food, carrying babies on their backs and followed by other children. The men, in parties of three or four, went out hunting. After returning to camp, each party cooked its food. The men, however, gave to their wives only the remainder of their food, sharing it first with the children; it seems, therefore, that the food supply provided by the female was much more regular and reliable, and therefore of greater importance to the family, than the man's share.[858] And again we read: "At the family fires the father generally cooked the animals which he brought home, and the woman the roots which were her contribution."[859]
Speaking of all the Australian tribes in general, Curr says: "Among the Australian blacks the common occupations of the men are the manufacture of arms and implements for hunting, fishing and occasionally war. The women generally procure and cook vegetables and fish, collect wood for fire, manufacture nets and bags. On the march the woman carries child, household effects, fire-stick, and digs for roots and vegetables."[860] "Wives have to undergo all the drudgery of the camp and the march, have the poorest food and the hardest work."[861] This statement gives quite clearly the division of labour, the greater share falling on the wife.
Amongst the Mount Gambier tribes (West Victoria) the females have to construct the lodge, to collect firewood, and to make the fire.[862] They always carry the fire-stick when travelling.[863] They fetch water and collect all vegetable food, roots, and mushrooms, with their digging-stick.[864] The men's task is hunting; they do it generally in company.[865] Men make arms and prepare skins; women, objects of use and adornment.[866]
We read in Angas that carrying all the things, digging of roots, and making the huts is woman's work.[867]
Eyre says that the women had to dress the huts.[868]
We read in Br. Smyth that women had to carry all the "worldly goods" of their husbands, even part of their arms.[869]
The men hunt and women collect food during their march according to Protector Thomas. There exists a customary communism among them.[870]
Mitchell says that because of their great skill in manufacturing all the things of daily use as "nets, cloaks, mussel-fishing, rooting, etc.; and their patient submission to labour, always carrying bags containing the whole property of the family while they follow their masters, the great value of a gin to one of these lazy fellows may be easily imagined."[871] They are, therefore, the chief objects of all their fights.
Meyer states about the Encounter Bay tribes that the man regarded his wife as a slave and let her do all the hard work, employing her in all ways to his advantage.[872] He even prostituted her for objects of use.[873] But he states also the typical division of labour: "the men employ themselves ... either in fishing or hunting emus, opossums, kangaroos, etc., while the women and children search for roots and plants." It is also the women's task to arrange the encampments.[874]
In the Port Lincoln tribes men provided animal and women vegetable food.[875]
We read in another author, about the same tribes, that women have to collect vegetable food, while the men are hunting.[876] There is also some kind of division of consumption; men eat male, women female animals, and children the small ones.[877]
Among the Wiradjuri (New South Wales): "The wife always looks after the camping arrangements."[878]
Speaking of the Port Jackson tribes, Tench says that they derive their principal food supply from fishing. Both men and women take part in this; the men spearing the fish and the women catching them from land and sea. Both husband and wife bring their shares to the common household.[879]
Both men and women take part in procuring the fish supply among the natives of Botany Bay.[880]
According to Henderson, among some of the New South Wales tribes the women have to carry children and all burdens; they procure also roots and shellfish.[881]
Gribble says: "The women always look after camp arrangements."[882]
Fishing was the chief support of the aborigines of Port Jackson described by D. Collins. In procuring this food, men, women and children were employed.[883]
In the compilation of Dr. Fraser, on the New South Wales tribes, we have a detailed account of the sexual division of labour. The woman has to put up the wurley; to light and keep the fire, to carry the fire-stick, to cook the food. On the march she carries the bag containing the whole property of the family, the children and the yam-stick. Her duty is to provide fish and vegetable food.[884] The man has only to hunt.[885]
All the drudgery of the camp and all the hard work was the lot of the women. They made nets and bags and they carried, on the marches, all the domestic implements as well as the children.[886]
In the Arunta tribe the women have "to do a considerable part, but by no means all, of the work of the camp."[887] From a detailed description we see that the women have to procure vegetable food and small animals, marsupials, etc., which they do with their digging-sticks. The man's task is hunting.[888]
In the Port Essington tribes, the digging of roots and collecting of shellfish was the woman's task.[889]
"I have observed that upon the northern coasts of Australia the amount of the population upon a certain tract of country is great or small in proportion to the quantity of vegetable food it produces. However abundant animal food may be, a toilsome search for edible roots gives almost constant occupation to a portion of every tribe. Women and children labour for hours together, with no other implement than a pointed stick, in following up the creeping stem of the wild yam through the earth until the root is arrived at, often at a depth of six or eight feet below the surface. A certain proportion of vegetable food appears, indeed, to be absolutely necessary to their existence, and they willingly forego the use of the animal food, if this more grateful diet can be obtained in sufficient abundance."[890]
We are informed that among the Bunya-Bunya people (Turrubul and kindred tribes, South East Queensland) the woman had all the heavy work to do.[891]
Among the aborigines of Moreton Bay, women have to erect the huts and provide vegetable food for the whole party, as the men only have to supply fish and game.[892]
We owe a good description of the division of labour on the march to Mathew: "When shifting from one campingground to another they usually moved slowly through the bush, the families separating and gathering their food on the way—opossums, bandicoots, honey, grubs, birds, and so forth. At other times they marched along singly, the lords of creation stepping out with elastic tread and graceful bearing, carrying their light weapons with perhaps some game, the weaker vessel loaded with the chattels and possibly a baby on the back in a loop of a rug or sitting stride-leg on a shoulder. Some would carry live fire-sticks to save the trouble of producing fire by friction. Arrived at the familiar, well-chosen rendezvous, it was the duty of the women to cut the bark of the humpies (dwellings) and prepare the fires."[893] Further on we read: "The women were skilled in the manufacture of nets and of dillie-bags made of grass or twine."[894] "The man's chief home duties consisted in cooking and eating. He would also spend much time in fashioning his weapons."[895]
Lumholtz speaks of the woman as the slave of her husband. "He does only what pleases himself, and leaves all work to his wives; therefore the more wives he has the richer he is."[896] We see here again the economic value of a wife directly stated. In another place: "It is the women who daily provide food," often making long excursions for this purpose, and collecting fruits, digging roots and chopping larvæ out of the tree-stems. "She must do all the hard work," carry the baby, make the fire, cook, provide water and fuel, dress the hut. She carries all the baggage on the march, as well as the children. The man carries only his arms. "The husband's contribution to the household is chiefly honey, but occasionally he provides eggs, game, lizards, and the like. He very often, however, keeps the animal food for himself, while the woman has to depend principally upon vegetables for herself and her child. Upon the whole he feels no responsibility as the father of a family."[897] It is interesting to find that the men make not only weapons but also, exclusively, baskets.[898]
Among the North-West Queensland tribes: "It is the husband's business, in the main, to supply the animal food for the family, and although a particular dietary may be forbidden him he has no compunction in hunting or killing it for his kith and kin."[899] It is necessary to add that according to Roth's information each member of a given family has some special food forbidden to him; because each class has its special food taboos, and in a family the father, the mother and the children, each belong to a different class.[900] Roth sees in this institution the chief aim of the class system.[901] Vegetable food and fish seem to be supplied by women chiefly.[902] The same general principle of sexual division of labour is reported in another place by the same author. We read there that the father's duty was to supply his family with animal food, whereas the mother had to provide the vegetable food. On the wanderings the wife follows her husband at a considerable distance, carrying all the implements and often the children.[903]
Among the natives of Cape York the woman has to procure practically all food for herself and her husband.[904]
Moore describes the women in West Australia as being almost the slaves of their husbands. They have to attend upon the men and to carry all their property. They construct the hut, kindle the fire, and have to provide all the vegetable food.[905] The digging of the yams is a very laborious task.[906] In return they often do not get even their share of game.[907]
John Forrest writes in his account: "The women are nearly slaves, having to do most of the hard work, such as making huts, carrying wood, and also carrying all the baggage, which includes many weapons, grease, 'wilgie,' and a host of articles, wooden dishes, etc., besides often a child. The man does not generally carry much except his spears, etc."[908]
Among some of the West Australian blacks, a female, before she is married, has under certain circumstances to provide "individuals of a certain degree of relationship to herself with a certain amount of vegetable food."[909] After her marriage her husband is entitled "to the chief part of her services. While she has to supply him with unlimited quantities of yams and other roots, he does very little towards providing for her wants, merely giving her the offal of game." The woman is thus the chief caterer of the family. She is "a slave in the strictest sense of the word, being a beast of burden, a provider of food."[910]
In South-West Australia the woman carries all the domestic implements on her back. "Pendant que la femme chemine avec toute cette charge, l'homme marche devant sa famille, portant seulement ses armes de la main gauche." He looks for animals,[911] the chase is his task.[912] The woman has to light the fire, carry the fire-stick,[913] fetch the water[914]; she has also to construct the hut.[915]
We are informed by Browne that all the hard work, the carrying of heavy burdens, camp arrangements, etc., is done by the women among the natives of King George's Sound.[916]
The economic division of labour, based upon the co-operation of both sexes, is stated by Scott Nind. The women and men go out in search of food, or hunting, in separate parties. The women chiefly collect roots and small animals; men go out hunting. Each sex reserves a part of its share for the family. "The women are very useful for them (their husbands), not only in procuring food, but also in preparing their cloaks, building their huts and other menial offices."[917]
We see that our thirty-five statements agree pretty well as to the general features of the division of labour. Certain of the economic functions, like hunting, making of weapons and, undoubtedly, the important function of protecting the family, are allotted to the men. Other work—the providing of roots, bulbs and other vegetable food, camp work and carrying heavy burdens, manufacturing nets and usually fishing—all this is the duty of the woman. Our statements more or less agree upon this division of labour. The more detailed ones (Howitt on the Kurnai, Dawson, Curr, Stanbridge, Mathew, B. Field, Oldfield, Moore) depict to us the occupations of the man and of his wife in nearly the same words. Only in the statements of Collins, Tench and Phillips is fishing mentioned as a common occupation of men and women. But these statements (probably not independent of each other) are not so explicit and reliable as to lead us to make exceptions of the Port Jackson tribes. We may, therefore, affirm the existence of a very marked sexual division of labour, which seems to present everywhere the same features and to be nearly identical over the whole continent. Prima facie this division of labour consists only in each sex having its different occupations prescribed by custom. But more careful analysis shows that there are other features which more deeply differentiate the economic activities of the sexes.