(2) Examples: cŭbĭtum ＞ cọde; cŏmĭtem ＞ comte; dēbĭtum ＞ dẹpte dẹute, § [47], (3); dŏmnum ＞ domne; dŭbĭto ＞ dọpte; hŏspĭtem ＞ ǫste; sabbătum ＞ sapte.
1. Azaut seems to be post-verbal from azautar ＜ adaptāre. Escrit ＜ scrīptum shows the influence of dit ＜ dīctum. Malaut, beside malaute malapte ＜ mal´habĭtum, is reconstructed from the feminine malauta on the model of aut, auta. Set ＜ sĕptem must have developed as a proclitic.
(3) Examples: jūdicem ＞ iütge[33]; pŏllĭcem ＞ pǫuze; quīndĕcim ＞ quinze; salĭcem ＞ sauze; sēdĕcim ＞ sẹdze;—canŏnĭcum ＞ canonge canọrgue,[34] § [49], (4); clĕrĭcum ＞ clęrge clęrgue (§ [48], 2); mĕdĭcum ＞ mętge; mŏnăchum ＞ monge mongue mǫrgue,[34] § [49], (4); vĭndĭco ＞ vẹnie; viatĭcum ＞ viatge, etc.
1. The forms poutz, sautz, beside pouse, sauze, would seem to indicate that lc´ did not require a supporting vowel in all dialects.
2. ✱Ficotum (= jēcur), a fusion of συκωτόν (‘fig-fattened’) and fīcus, combined with ✱hēpăte (= hēpar), became ✱fẹ́catu ✱fẹcitu ✱fẹgidu, and then, through the influence of the familiar ending -igu (= ĭcum), ✱fẹdigu ＞ fẹtge. See G. Paris in Miscellanea linguistica in onore di G. Ascoli, 1901, p. 41; H. Schuchardt in Zs., XXV, 615, and XXVIII, 435; L. Clédat in Revue de philologie française et de littérature, XV, 235. Pege, for peich ＜ pĕctus, seems to be due to the analogy of fetge.
(4) Examples: æstĭmo ＞ esme; dĕcĭmum ＞ dęsme; fraxĭnum ＞ fraisne; incūdĭnem ＞ enclütge (cf. § [80], Dn); ✱metĭpsĭmum ＞ medẹsme; pĕssĭmum ＞ pęsme; prŏxĭmus ＞ prǫsmes.
1. Faim ＜ facĭmu(s) doubtless lost its -e through the analogy of the alternative form fazẹm ＜ ✱facímu(s) and of the usual endings -ám, -ẹm.
(5) In some dialects, at least, by, mby, mny, py, rny required a supporting vowel: rŭbeum ＞ rọtge, cambio ＞ camie, sŏmnium ＞ songe suenh, apium ＞ ache api, ✱Arvĕrnium[35] ＞ Alvęrnhe; ratge (= rabiem) is probably French. Original lm, rm, sm required a supporting vowel in some dialects but not in others: hëlm ＞ ęlme ęlm, ŭlmum ＞ ọlme ọlm, palmum ＞ palm; ✱ĕrmum ἔρημον ＞ erm, fĭrmum ＞ fẹrm, gĕrmen ＞ gęrme; spasmum ＞ espasme.
(6) Many verbs regularly have an -e in the first person singular of the present indicative: desire, dọpte, iütge, etc. By the analogy of these, -e often appears in the first person singular of verbs which need no supporting vowel: remīro ＞ remir remire. By the analogy of the preterit (águi, füi, etc.), -i is very often substituted for this -e: azọr azọri, cant canti, prętz pręzi, etc.
53. Many late words preserve the final vowel as -e: benigne, bisbe ＜ epĭscŏpum, digne (cf. denhar), mixte (cf. mẹst), regne (cf. reing), signe (cf. sẹnh). Cf. § [50]; (for cǫlbe) § [48], 1; and (for cǫinde, etc.) § [47], 1. Learned formations from nouns in -ium usually end in -i, simply dropping the -um: capitǫli, edifici, empęri, iüzízi, martíri (martíre), negǫci, ofíci, periüri, remęzi, servízi, vici. Similar forms in -i were sometimes taken from the accusative of nouns and adjectives in -ius: Boęci ＜ Boëthium, prǫpri (prǫpre) ＜ prŏprium, savi ＜ sabium.