Reshid Pasha, one of the ablest and oldest statesmen and a true patriot, was at this time in Europe as representative of the Porte. On hearing of this proposed division of his country, he hastened home to offer his counsels to the young sultan who had just ascended the throne. By his representations and suggestions, his majesty was induced to issue a proclamation called the Tanzimat, or reformation, by which it was hoped that the country would be regenerated, and the world convinced that Turkey could maintain itself.
THE TANZIMAT.
Translated from the Turkish.
In the former days of the Ottoman empire, as every one knows, the glorious precepts of the Koran and the laws of the monarchy were universally observed; and consequently the empire increased both in power and size, and all subjects, without exception, attained the highest degree of ease and prosperity. For one hundred and fifty years a succession of accidents and of divers causes have put an end to this obedience to the sacred code of the laws, and to the rules which spring from it, and our former power and prosperity have been changed into weakness and poverty; for an empire loses all stability when the laws cease to be observed.
These considerations are constantly present to our mind, and from the day of our accession to the throne, the idea of the public welfare, the amelioration of the state of the provinces, and condolence with the people, have been its sole occupations. Now, when we consider the geographical position of the Ottoman empire, the fertility of the soil, the aptitude and intelligence of the inhabitants, we are convinced that by applying ourselves to discover suitable means, the result, which by the aid of God we hope to attain, may be obtained in the space of a few years. Thus, then, full of confidence in the Most High, and relying upon the intercession of our Prophet, we have judged proper to seek by new institutions to procure for the provinces composing the Ottoman empire the benefit of a good administration.
These institutions must bear principally upon three points, to wit; 1st. The pledges which insure to our subjects a perfect security of life, honor and fortune. 2d. A regular mode of assessing and levying the taxes. 3d. A mode equally regular, for the levy of soldiers, and the duration of the service.
And are not life and honor truly the most precious goods which exist? What man, however base his situation, if his character adapt him for violence, could be prevented from having recourse to it, and thus doing injury to his government and the country, if his life and honor are endangered? If, on the contrary, he enjoys, in this respect, a perfect security, he will not wander from the paths of loyalty, and all his acts will concur to the prosperity of the government, and of his brethren. If his fortune be not secured to him, each remains cold to the voice of the prince and the country; no one is occupied with the progress of public fortune, absorbed as every one must be in his own inquietudes. But if, on the other hand, the citizen possess in confidence his property of every kind, then full of ardor in his business, the circle of which he seeks to enlarge in order to extend that of his pleasure, he finds each day redoubled in his heart the love of his prince and country, and devotion to her cause; these sentiments become in him the source of the most praiseworthy actions.
As to the regular assessment and establishment of the taxes, it is very important that this matter should be regulated, for the State that is driven to various expenses for the defense of its territory, can procure the money necessary for its armies and other services only by the contributions levied upon the subjects. Although, thanks be to God, those of our empire have for some time been delivered from the scourge of monopolies, improperly regarded in former times as a source of revenue, an injurious custom still exists, and which cannot but have disastrous consequences, I mean that practice of venal concession known as the Iltizam. By this system the civil and financial administration of a locality is delivered to the arbitration of a single man, and sometimes to the iron hand of the most violent and base passions, for if this farmer of the revenue be not good, he will only have regard to his own advantage.
It is requisite, then, that this time forward each individual of the Ottoman society be taxed his quota of his established impost, in the ratio of his fortune and possessions, and nothing farther can be required of him. Special laws too must fix and limit the expenses of our armies by sea and land.
Although, as we have said, the defense of our common country is an important matter, and although it is the duty of all the inhabitants to furnish soldiers to that effect; laws must now be established to regulate the proportion that each locality shall furnish upon the necessity of the moment, and to reduce to four or five years the term of military service. For it is both acting unjustly, and giving a death blow to agriculture and industry, to take, without regard to the respective population of the districts, from one more, and from another fewer, than they can supply; while it reduces the soldiers to despair, and contributes to the depopulation of the country to retain them all their life-time in the service.
To resume, without these different laws, the necessity for which we have just seen, the empire can possess neither power, riches, happiness nor tranquillity; while all these blessings may be obtained from the existence of the new laws. Therefore, from this time forward the cause of every accused will be publicly judged conformably to our own divine law, after thorough inquest and examination, and so long as the regular judgment is not interrupted, no one will be able in secret, or in public, to put another to death by poison, or any other punishment.
No one will be permitted to attaint the honor of another. Each individual will possess his property, of every kind, and will dispose of it with the most entire liberty, without the opposition of any one; thus, for example, the property of a criminal shall not be confiscated to his innocent heirs.
These imperial concessions, extending to all our subjects, of whatever religion or sect they may be, shall by them be enjoyed without exception. A perfect security is thus granted by us to the inhabitants of the empire in their lives, honor, and fortunes, as the sacred text of our law demands.
Upon all other points, as they must be regulated by the agreement of enlightened opinion, our Council of Justice (augmented by new members when it shall be necessary), to which will be joined, on certain days by us appointed, our Ministers and the Notables of the Empire, will assemble for the purpose of establishing regular laws, for the security of life and fortune, and the imposition of taxes. In these assemblies each man will freely express his ideas and give his opinion.
The laws for the regulation of the military service will be fixed by the military council, to hold its sessions at the Palace of the Seraskier.
As soon as a law is fixed to be forever available and executory, it shall be presented to us, and we will give it our sanction, which we shall write at the head with our own imperial hand.
As the present institutions have for their aim but the establishment of religion, government, the nation and the empire, we pledge ourselves to do nothing contrary to them. In pledge of our promise we will, after having placed them in the hall in which is kept the glorious mantle of our Prophet, in presence of all the ulema and grandees of the empire, make oath by the name of God, and afterwards the ulema and grandees shall also swear. And if, after this, any one among the ulema, or grandees of the empire, or any other person whatsoever, shall violate these institutions, he shall undergo, without regard to rank, consideration, or credit, the penalty annexed to his well-proved crime. To this effect a penal code will be re-enacted.
As all the functionaries of the empire at the present day receive suitable salaries, and as the appointments of those, whose duties are not sufficiently well remunerated as yet, will be regulated, a vigorous law will be enacted against the traffic of favor and of charges (richvet), which is reproved by the divine law, and which is one of the principal causes of the decadence of the empire.
These dispositions, above stated, being an alteration, and a complete renovation from the ancient usages, this imperial edict will be published at Constantinople, and in all the other cities of our empire, and will be communicated officially to all the Ambassadors of friendly powers residing at Constantinople, that they may be witnesses of the alteration in our institutions, which, if it please God, shall ever endure.
To this may God have us all in his holy and worthy keeping.
May those who are guilty of an act contrary to the present institutions, be the object of divine malediction, and be forever deprived of every kind of happiness.
This document, which is an official acknowledgment of the existing evils and corruptions, was read at Gül-hané, on the 3d of November, 1839, with the greatest solemnity, before a vast concourse of people, and in the presence of the foreign representatives.
In order to commemorate the occasion, and enforce these new principles, it was proposed to erect a magnificent public monument, the plans and designs of which were confided to the writer; but before the foundations could be laid, a complete
“Change came o’er the spirit of their dreams.”
The great Napoleon has wisely pronounced that “Constantinople is the key to all Europe, and designed to be the capital of the world.” Turkey may, therefore, be divided and subdivided, but Constantinople, the great bone of contention, being indivisible, the partition of Turkey becomes an impossibility, and political equilibrium will not permit any one power to usurp its possession.
It was fortunate that it fell accidentally into the hands of the Turks, who were incapable of availing themselves of its advantages; and for the same reason it is desirable they should retain it. Hence the maintenance, or diplomatically speaking, the integrity of Turkey became an essential element in the polity of Europe.
The proclamation of the above Hatti Sherif, or Royal Edict, was therefore hailed with general satisfaction by the European states, and hopes were awakened that the impending danger would be averted by such an entire change in the administrative government.
But the Turks of the ancien régime, perceiving no threatening attitude in their European neighbors, and highly offended at the ultra-liberal measures of the reform party, who even dared to insult their Mussulman prejudices, and coolly inform them that “the council chamber was not a theological school for the discussion of religious polemics, nor convertible into a mosque,” resolved to resist to the utmost, and re-establish their own party. They, therefore, in a body, protested to the sultan, who, in such a dilemma, could do nothing but dismiss the actual ministry, and organize a new one.