Birth control and the state

by C. P. Blacker

In Germany before the war, where the ‘military’ objection to Birth Control, first advanced, was prevalent, there existed an ethical code by which German mothers were persuaded that they were fulfilling the highest spiritual purpose of which their sex was capable by producing male children destined to be soldiers, prepared to fight for their country in a victorious war. It is now generally recognized here that it was this attitude of mind, involving an expectation and a glorification of war, associated with the distinctively German powers of efficient organization centred in implicit obedience to the Kaiser, which served to produce that exultant pride of power and aggressive national consciousness which precipitated, if it did not actually cause, the late war. The increase in the population of Germany was advocated and extolled without regard to that country’s capacity to support her swelling populations. To-day, though Birth Control is largely practised by the upper and middle classes in Germany as it is in this country, the old ideal still lingers on, and to it is attributable that fear of Germany which, until recently, has so conspicuously directed French policy since the Armistice.

In Japan the connexion between numerical increase and a possible war is now coming to be recognized here. Australia, New Zealand and the United States are already definitely conscious of it. The Japanese religion, based upon piety towards ancestors (to whom every man is bound to perpetuate his family), and upon loyalty to the Mikado who, as Emperor God, is held to be divine, imposes upon all faithful subjects the duty of marrying young and of producing many children. This injunction is again promulgated irrespective of the native resources of Japan, and in the past has necessitated a considerable annual emigration to other countries. The recent restrictions imposed by America upon Japanese immigration, themselves prompted by motives common to most English-speaking races, have led directly and inevitably to the existing tension between America and Japan. As things stand at present, it appears that this tension is likely to increase and may easily eventuate in a war, in which there would be a greater probability of our being involved than there was, initially, of America being involved in the late war. Both the Americans and Japanese are sensitive and proud people. After further tension has accumulated, a trivial incident—the possible murder of an American official in Japan by some irresponsible person—might lead to the despatch of a curtly-worded note or to the formulation of an abrupt ultimatum out of which a second world war might, like the last, suddenly flare up, to reduce modern civilization to ruins and ashes.

Stress is laid on this particular aspect of the population problem partly because it is felt that few nations now hold the desirable ideal of adapting their numbers to their particular economic optimum, and partly because it would seem that in face of this nationally encouraged increase of population and of certain apparently unalterable race antipathies, no amount of international pacifism, or of condemnation of violence, or of genuine humanitarian goodwill can prevent war.

Germany and Japan display the connexion between numerical increase and wars most clearly to-day. It is possible that in the future other nations may become conspicuous in this respect. Thus America, where the teaching of contraception is illegal (in so far as anything is), may, in another 50 or 100 years, develop an aggressive foreign policy. And now that restrictions have been imposed on the entry of Italians into America, it is conceivable that Italy may at some time discover an Imperialist mission on the shores of the Mediterranean.

(b) Social.—This aspect of Birth Control has been much discussed and is concerned with the dimensions and quality of the population of these islands. The argument, in the form in which it is usually advanced, distinguishes a quantitative and a qualitative point of view, the latter further possessing two aspects.

Quantitatively, it has been pointed out that in the last hundred years, the increase in the population of this country has been excessive. Because England was the pioneer of the Industrial Revolution, she enjoyed initially an unprecedented national prosperity, unharassed by competitors and with the world as her market. Though the conditions of many of the early factory-workers were unquestionably appalling, the wealth and economic importance of this country increased so rapidly that she was enabled to support immensely greater numbers than at any previous period of her history.

Thus in 1821 the population of England and Wales was just over 12 millions; in 1921 it had risen to nearly 38 millions. That is to say that in a hundred years our population had more than trebled.

When, however, at the beginning of this century other countries began to enter into competition with us, and to produce manufactured goods on a large scale often underselling British goods, our hitherto unchallenged industrial supremacy gradually commenced to suffer eclipse. But our numbers have not adapted themselves to our diminished power of employing labour thus created. On the contrary, the population has continued steadily to increase, with the result that by slow degrees the unemployment problem which, at present, looms so large on our political horizon began insidiously to disclose itself. The present formidable figure of nearly a million and a quarter of unemployed, together with a large number of workers on short hours, testifies to the fact that at the present time in relation to existing economic conditions, this country seems to be over-populated.