(1) This school claims to be progressive, and favours the abolition of tribal control by its indigenous constitution; it is opposed to chiefs, tribal law and customs, and is in favour of direct government by European magistrates and by police.
(2) The conservative school aims at retaining and strengthening the internal forces which control a tribe, at the same time promoting an evolution of the character of that control by inducing the native leaders to slough the more repugnant customs and beliefs.
The former scheme receives considerable support from the settler community on the grounds that it will result in the native, conjointly with themselves, playing a more active part in the development of Africa. It is also supported to some extent by the missionaries, who feel that the disintegration of the old order would afford them greater chances for their propaganda. At the same time the probable effect of the dissolution of tribal control is rarely realised. The nearest example of such emancipation can be observed in the larger towns, and here we have thousands of natives attracted to these places by the desire to earn money. They have no natural authorities in control, and although there are, of course, respectable members in these assemblages, taking it all round they are the biggest collection of native ruffians in the country, and are saturated with every vice. Consequently in spite of a concentration of magisterial and police control far in excess of anything in a native reserve, crime of every kind is rife, and they have become an increasing menace to the European residents. [[289]]
These town colonies of natives, it must be remembered, are products of our own creation, and do not argue well for native emancipation from their natural leaders.
The native system of government is admittedly faulty, not so much in design as in execution; this is partly due to the fact that the blood kin of a criminal will go to great lengths to shield him, and partly because chiefs and elders are often venial or amenable to threats or to fear of witchcraft.
Native custom has in recent years been purged of many of its repugnant features, and any that exist will steadily tend to disappear if intelligently approached by native commissioners who take the trouble to understand these customs and the motives behind them. Blind action in these matters is rarely effective.
If the present-day political shibboleth of “self-determination” is to be encouraged in Africa, the policy of disintegration of all native authority should be pursued. It is a sure prescription for the birth of a native party which will speedily demand equal electoral privileges with the Europeans; it will abolish tribal isolation and inter-tribal prejudice which has for long years been a safeguard against the combination of the black millions against the few white intruders from overseas. It will produce a receptive soil for educated blacks from other countries to propagate the doctrine of “Africa for the Africans.” In the event of a struggle, the European, having sole control of munitions, will not eventually be worsted, but he will not re-establish domination until much blood, both black and white, has been spilled, and both sides will emerge from the struggle with bitterness and distrust. The choice of a policy is therefore a vital matter to all, and the problem should be dispassionately considered.
After the Armistice large numbers of natives who had served in the King’s African Rifles were disbanded, and some people maintain that these men in future may [[290]]prove a menace owing to their knowledge of arms and their close acquaintance with European troops in the field. In Kenya there is, as far as I know, no signs of it, for they have no arms; they are moreover weary of war, and the majority have gone back to their reserves to spend their savings or invest them in wives. In Tanganyika a good many arms were secreted by deserters and picked up after engagements, and these may be used to some extent in attempts to settle inter-tribal feuds; there is, however, little fear of the concentration of any force in opposition to Government. In fact our rule is so mild compared with the German régime that when the internal prosperity of that country revives there is no reason to anticipate anything but peace for a long time to come. When one realises that over eight thousand official floggings per annum took place in German East Africa before the war, and in addition many thousands of unofficial floggings, no record of which was kept, the relief must be apparent to all. The Germans themselves must have realised that the flogging propensity had to be checked, for in 1912–1913 no fewer than one hundred and seven employers were convicted of assaulting their labourers. Needless to say, under British rule, flogging is only inflicted for a few extremely serious crimes.
It is, however, fruitless at this stage to dilate upon the differences between German and British rule; it is far more important to consider the factors on both sides that count in the present situation and to outline any obvious future dangers.
The question of religion is intimately connected with behaviour, and an attempt has been made in this work to show how closely interwoven with their life are the primitive beliefs of the people. In recent years, however, a new set of influences have arisen, viz., those of the Christian churches and also Mohammedanism.