It is well for the Churches of this land, that they are not engaged in this business, that they have lifted their voices against it, and acquitted themselves of its responsibilities. It would be enough to sink Christianity amongst us to the lowest depths, to rise again, no one could tell when. But, fortunately, the public, the world will see, that this responsibility rests on a few, and only a few, designing, ambitious, turbulent spirits; that the great majority of those who have been drawn into this mad enterprise, are perfectly innocent of any evil designs, have never dreamed of violating law, have had their best feelings worked upon by exaggerated statements and false representations, have been made to believe that this was their proper business, and been constituted Judges of that which did not belong to them, and which they know little or nothing about. We are disposed to believe, to hope, certainly, that it will only be necessary for them to be enlightened in the knowledge of their position, as members and abettors of such an organization, to be induced to withdraw, and wash their hands of its responsibilities. It is the moral power which their numbers give to it, that constitutes its importance and influence. It is in fact a vast and powerful machinery, from the very nature of its organization, and the methods of its operation, so long as it can hold its own; more especially, so long as it is in a state of actual growth, and in an advancing career. The Government of this country, and those States which are parties concerned, cannot be too much alive to this fact. The public generally ought to understand it; and if the knowledge and conviction should generally obtain, that this Society is a seditious organization, and engaged in a work of sedition, which, by continuance, may grow into treason, it is believed, that no more acquisitions to its numbers and power could be made, and that it would gradually die away, and cease to agitate the public mind, without the intervention of the public authorities.
We have shown, as we think, by the fairest argument, that this Society is an organized sedition. But even if there were any doubt upon the subject, that doubt ought to go in favour of public peace and safety—Ne quid detrementi respublica capiat—lest the republic receive damage.
If, in the judgment of the constituted authorities of this country, the public safety should require it, we have no more doubt of their competency to dissolve the American Anti-Slavery Society, and suppress its action as an organization, than of the power of a Court of Chancery to issue an injunction to arrest an alledged and apparent violation of law, till the case can be fairly tried. But whether, or when, it may be expedient, is for the proper authorities themselves, in their discretion, to decide. In such a case, the present component parts of this Society would be reduced to the Constitutional basis, with all the license of the Constitutional provisions; and on that ground they would be harmless. Whereas, as a permanent and independent political organization, they are an unconstitutional, vast, formidable, and dangerous power. This Society is in fact a rival Empire on the territories of the Republic; and the simple question is, whether this usurpation, or the old and Constitutional Government, shall stand. If this organization has already attained sufficient strength and confidence in its power, to refuse submission to the claims of the Constitution, and if it would now resist the empire of the law, in case it should be asserted, the very grave and portentious question arises, what is likely to be the state of things in this country, after the continued action and growth of this Society shall compel the Government to take a stand against it? There is all the difference between the two cases, as between the strength of a bud, and the vigorous trunk and extended arms of a full grown tree.
[CHAPTER VII.]
THE ANARCHICAL PRINCIPLES OF ABOLITIONISM.
Nous verrons—Onward! seems to be alike the maxim and tendency of all violent reforms. It may be said, that Abolitionism has at last come to a fair and palpable denoument, in the formation of the New England Non-resistence Society, which was organized at Boston, in September, 1838, with William Lloyd Garrison, and such others, men and women, leaders. The fundamental principle of this new association is identical with that of the Abolition movement. Both hinge upon the same pivot. Indeed, it will be found, that all the violent reforms of our country are based upon this. It is stated in the Constitution of the Non-resistence Society in the following terms: “It appears to us a self-evident truth, that whatever the Gospel is designed to destroy at any period of the world, being contrary to it, ought now to be abandoned.” The mischievous element of this proposition, as reduced to practice by the violent reformers, is occult, and would appear in its naked form by substituting for the last word “abandoned,” that of destroyed—“ought now to be destroyed;” for these reformers do not admit, that those customs and laws, judged by their interpretation of the Gospel unlawful, may be retained till persuasion shall produce reform, and simply preach, that they “ought to be abandoned.” But they clearly show their meaning is, that they “ought to be destroyed” and that it is not only lawful, but praiseworthy and a duty, to destroy them. Destruction is the ruling power of the code; and society, the world, is to take its chances for the setting up of a better state of things.
Now, we maintain, that this is a fair statement of the principles of Abolitionism, and of all other of the violent movements. Their doctrine of immediatism—if we may invent a new term—is always one and the same, and always has been. Wherever they find an evil, or wrong—Down with it—is the rule. Fiat Justitia, ruat calum—a sound principle, certainly; and a good maxim, in prudent hands; but a terrible one, in rash hands.
It is a good thing, and a very instructive result, that the principles of these Destructives have at last come out, and been openly published to the world, in the Constitution and “Bill of sentiments,” adopted by the New England Non-resistance Society. There is now no longer a disguise. They openly renounce allegiance to all government: “We cannot acknowledge allegiance to any human government!” Here, then, it is, fairly ushered into the light of day—a condition of universal anarchy, the proclaimed Jubilee of these reformers. We have only to say, that this new Society has come honestly and openly to the end, to which all the Immediatists of whatever name, are rapidly advancing. The maxim—Down with it—which governs them all, and which is the soul, body, and foundation of their enterprise—cannot stop short of anarchy. There is nothing of importance in the avowed principles of this new Society, revolting and shocking as they are, which is not a legitimate consequence of Abolitionism; or, by the remotest degree of relationship, cousin-german to it. In the first place, they renounce allegiance to human government; the Abolitionists, to be consistent, ought to do the same; for they have made open war against it. They have announced the doctrine of Immediatism[1] as their fundamental principle; that also is the fundamental principle of the Abolitionists. They have levelled all distinctions in society, of rank, color, caste, and sex; and the doctrines of Abolitionism, carried out, have legitimately led them to this. They have proclaimed the Agrarian principle, in all forms of application, and denied the right of defending property, or any civil inheritance, by human authority, or force of arms; and Abolitionism requires the sanction of this principle to affect its designs. They recognise but one ruler—the King of heaven; it is equally necessary for the Abolitionists to set aside the authorities of earth. They have no country but the world, and no countrymen but mankind; the Abolitionists seem to be equally devoid of patriotism. They avow that neither nations, nor individuals, have a right to defend themselves against aggression; this will be convenient, and even necessary, to Abolitionists, in the execution of their plans. They pronounce the doctrine, that “the powers that be are ordained of God,” “an absurd and impious dogma;” this, too, will be convenient to the Abolitionists, and it might be supposed, they had adopted it. They declare against all military preparations; we presume the Abolitionists are equally unfriendly to them, as they might prove uncomfortable opponents in their career. “As every human government is upheld by physical strength, and its laws enforced virtually at the point of the bayonet,” they “repudiate all human politics” and legislation; the Abolitionists are equally averse to the “politics” and legislation of the slave-holding States, and of course to the political fabric of the Union. They deny the right of prosecution and indemnification for felony, which of course would be impossible, where there is no law; the Abolitionists deny the right of indemnification for the deprivation of property in slaves. They deny the right of all punishment for crimes; this would be extremely convenient for Abolitionists. They deny that their “doctrines are Jacobinical;” and why set up this defence before they are accused, except from the consciousness, that all the world will pronounce them so? The Abolitionists, too, as we think, are somewhat involved in this predicament. The members of this new Society are advocates of Non-resistance, on one side; and so are the Abolitionists: both are averse to being opposed, except so far as it may afford them the opportunity and title to plead the rights of the honest Connecticut negro’s conscience, who, being asked by his master, what it said, replied, “Why, Massa, it says, I won’t.” But the members of this Society are to be great fighters, after all, and that, too, in the way of aggression, as they claim the right and declare the purpose of making war “boldly, by the application of their principles, upon all existing civil, political, legal, and ecclesiastical institutions;” that is, as one, remarking well on their scheme, hath it, “to take the greatest possible pains to get mobbed, persecuted, imprisoned, hung, and murdered.” And little pity would they get. They, of course, are the framers of their own conscience, and its interpreters; and that is the empire, the rights of which they claim, under their professions of Non-resistance. Allow any man that, and what, repudiating the restraints of law, could he ask more?
[1] The abstract notion, that whatever is judged to be wrong in the customs or laws of society, may and must be broken down, or rooted out, forthwith, without any regard to consequences.