| CHAPTER I | |
| PAGE | |
|---|---|
| On the Differentiation of Man from the Anthropoids | [1] |
| § 1. The Hypothesis.—That Man was differentiated from the anthropoid stock by becoming a hunter; perhaps in the Oligocene period | [1]-[3] |
| § 2. What the Hypothesis Explains.—World-wide range; why the earliest known men were hunters; the erect gait; specialisation of hands; reduction of arms; and of teeth and jaws; modification of skull; social co-operation; rudiments of speech; intelligence; control of fire | [4]-[13] |
| § 3. Minor and Secondary Consequences.—Alimentary canal; loss of seasonal marriage; naked skin; cannibalism; division into races; Nordic sub-race | [13]-[21] |
| § 4. Prey and Competitors.—Climate and landscape in Oligocene and Miocene; animals, herbivorous; anthropoids and their stature in late Oligocene; carnivorous contemporaries | [21]-[8] |
| § 5. Conclusion.—Summary | [28]-[9] |
| CHAPTER II | |
| On the Differentiation of the Human from the Anthropoid mind | [30] |
| § 1. Heredity, Adaptation, Accommodation | [30]-[31] |
| § 2. The Original Stock and the Conditions of Differentiation.—Mind of the higher apes the best clue to that of the original stock. Conditions of differentiation: the hunting life; geographical diffusion; social life; imaginations concerning Magic and Animism | [31]-[5] |
| § 3. Primal Society.—Forms of gregariousness amongst Mammalia; the hunting-pack most likely original of human society. Other conjectures | [35]-[40] |
| § 4. Psychology of the Hunting-pack.—Interest in the chase and in killing; gregariousness; various modes of sympathy; aggressiveness; claim to territory; recognition of leaders, submission to the pack, emulation, precedency; strategy and persistence; struggle to share the prey; intelligence. Different mentality of the herbivorous herd | [40]-[49] |
| § 5. The Wolf-type of Man established by Natural Selection.—Keith’s hypothesis as to epoch of differentiation. Slow progress of culture; full adaptation to hunting life prior to Neolithic culture | [49]-[52] |
| § 6. Some further Consequences of the Hunting-life.—Growth of constructiveness; language; customs—marriage; property; war; sports and games; laughter and lamentation | [52]-[61] |
| § 7. Moralisation of the Hunters.—Character of Anthropoids; human benevolence; moral sense; effect of industry; of growing intelligence | [61]-[6] |
| § 8. Influence of the Imaginary Environment.—Belief in Magic and Spirits often injurious; but on the whole advantageous; especially by establishing government | [66]-[70] |
| CHAPTER III | |
| Belief and Superstition | [71] |
| § 1. “Superstition.”—Here used merely to include Magic and Animism as imagination-beliefs | [71]-[2] |
| § 2. Imagination.—Various uses of the word; mental “images”; in connection with reasoning; and with literary fiction. Here means unverifiable representation | [72]-[6] |
| § 3. Belief.—Nature of belief; degrees of probability; tested by action; play-belief | [76]-[9] |
| § 4. Causes and Grounds of Belief.—Derived from perception. Evidentiary causes, or grounds, raising some probability; and non-evidentiary causes which are not grounds. Memory, testimony, inference so far as unverifiable are imagination. Influence of apperceptive masses and of methodology. Non-evidentiary causes have their own apperceptive masses—derived from bad observation, memory, testimony; influenced by emotion, desire and voluntary action; by sympathy and antipathy, and by suggestibility | [79]-[85] |
| § 5. The Beliefs of Immature Minds.—Non-evidentiary causes more influential than with us; picture-thinking more vivid; no common standard of truth; feeble power of comparison, due perhaps to undeveloped brain | [85]-[92] |
| § 6. The Reasoning of Immature Minds.—Fallacies of induction; ignorance of the minor premise in deduction; reasoning by analogy | [92]-[8] |
| § 7. General Ideas at the Savage Level.—Savages have general ideas, though often not recognised or named; force; relations of causation and equality | [99]-[103] |
| § 8. The Weakness of Imagination-beliefs.—Superficial resemblance to perception-beliefs; more nearly allied to play-belief | [103]-[7] |
| CHAPTER IV | |
| Magic | [108] |
| § 1. Antiquity of Magic | [108]-[9] |
| § 2. What is Magic?—Magic defined; imaginary impersonal force contrasted with power of spirits; its action uniform like laws of nature. Kinds of Magic | [109]-[12] |
| § 3. The Beginnings of Magic.—A matter of speculation. The earliest were probably the simplest, and the kinds that have prevailed most widely by tradition and hereditary predisposition. The chief source of belief in Magic is the mistaking of coincidence for causation | [112]-[19] |
| § 4. Magical Force and Primitive Ideas of Causation.—Idea of magical force derived from physical force (empathy, Animatism, invisible action at a distance, mana). How Animism and Magic corrupt the ideas of causation | [119]-[24] |
| § 5. Magic and Mystery | [124]-[6] |
| § 6. Volitional Magic.—A relatively late idea | [126]-[8] |
| § 7. The Evolution of Magic—Direct Magic.—Growth and differentiation; four stages; spells and charms; taboo | [128]-[34] |
| § 8. Indirect or “Sympathetic” Magic.—Principles of Sympathetic Magic—mimesis and participation; connection with Animism. Exemplary Magic | [134]-[42] |
| § 9. The Dissolution of Magic | [143]-[4] |
| CHAPTER V | |
| Animism | [145] |
| § 1. What is Animism?—Hyperphysical and psychological Animism. Not all savages think that every man has a separable soul | [145]-[7] |
| § 2. Psychological Animism.—That everything is animated not an universal or primitive illusion. Animatism. Causes of the treatment of some inanimate things as living or sentient | [147]-[53] |
| § 3. The Ghost Theory.—Originated chiefly by dreams; which are regarded as objective experience | [153]-[7] |
| § 4. Extension of the Ghost Theory to Animals.—Influence of shadows and reflections. Generally, only things individually interesting have ghosts. Examples | [157]-[60] |
| § 5. Ghosts and Soul-stuff.—Separated spirits need bodies and food, that is, soul-stuff. Abstract ideas of “spirit,” “force,” etc. | [161]-[4] |
| § 6. Ghosts and Spirits.—Ghosts first imagined, and other spirits on their model. Some spirits, formerly ghosts, now declared not to have been; others never incarnate | [164]-[9] |
| § 7. How Ghosts and Spirits are imagined.—Have the same attributes, and not at first immaterial; confused with the corpse. Various conceptions. Number of souls to each body. External souls | [169]-[73] |
| § 8. Origin and Destiny of Souls.—Reincarnation—Transmigration—Liable to second death. Place of the departed. Importance of next life resembling the present | [174]-[7] |
| § 9. The Treatment of Ghosts.—Results partly from fear, partly from affection. Funerary rites—extravagance and economy. Simplicity of ghosts. Inconsistent behaviour toward them | [178]-[82] |
| § 10. Evolution and Dissolution of Animism.—Popular and priestly Animism. Different emotions excited by ghosts and by gods | [182]-[6] |
| CHAPTER VI | |
| The Relations between Magic and Animism | [187] |
| § 1. The Question of Priority.—Wundt’s theory of Animism and of the derivation from it of Magic. Reasons for dissenting. Origins of Magic and of Animism independent | [187]-[93] |
| § 2. Magic and Religion.—Frazer’s hypothesis as to the superseding of Magic by Religion. Reasons for dissenting. Alternative hypothesis. Caprice of spirits the essential distinction of Animism | [193]-[7] |
| § 3. Ideas and Practices of Magic adopted by Animism.—Invisible force. Power of charms ascribed to spirits. Omens first magical, then spiritual warnings. Spells become prayers. Magical rites become religious ceremonies | [197]-[203] |
| § 4. Retrogradation.—Wundt’s theory explains the loss in many cases of animistic ideas; Fetiches; Omens; Prayers; religious ceremonies | [203]-[7] |
| § 5. Spirits know Magic, teach it, and inspire Magicians.—Examples of spirits knowing and teaching Magic. Inspiration and possession | [207]-[12] |
| § 6. Spirits operate by Magic.—Possession; smiting; metamorphosis; charms and spells | [212]-[16] |
| § 7. Spirits are controlled by Magic.—Biological necessity of controlling spirits—by fear—or by Magic. Analogy with politics. The higher barbaric religions. Magico-legal control of gods. Idea of Fate. Free-will and uniformity | [216]-[24] |
| CHAPTER VII | |
| Omens | [225] |
| § 1. The Prevalence of Omens everywhere, in all ages. Examples | [225]-[6] |
| § 2. Omens and Natural Signs.—Natural signs all-important to hunters; and Omens are imaginary signs | [226]-[7] |
| § 3. Some Signs Conceived of as Magical.—By coincidence some events become signs of others by a mysterious and infallible tie. Moods of elation or depression favour belief in Omens; their validity may depend upon acceptance. Antiquity of subjective Omens. Whatever causes elation or depression is ominous. Coincidence and analogy | [227]-[32] |
| § 4. Differentiation of Omens from General Magic.—Omens are classed with charms, rites and spells, but distinguished by being signs only, not causes. Other differences | [232]-[4] |
| § 5. Omens Interpreted by Animism.—Omens resemble warnings—at first given by friendly animals, then by spirits, hence connected with Oracles and Dreams | [234]-[8] |
| § 6. Natural and Artificial Omens—Natural Omens not being always at hand, means are discovered for obtaining them at any time; e. g. Dice, Hepatomancy, Astrology | [238]-[40] |
| § 7. Divination and Oracles.—Diviners and the art of Divination. Power of Diviners and Oracles. Ways of obtaining oracles and of being inspired derived from low savagery | [240]-[45] |
| § 8. Apparent Failure of Omens—ascribed to faulty observation or interpretation; frustration by spirits, or by superior Magic; or by having been symbolically fulfilled | [245]-[7] |
| § 9. Apology for Omens.—The Diviner or oracular person tries to be well-informed. The Stoics and Divination. Omens involved in Fate. Conditional and unconditional Omens | [247]-[61] |
| CHAPTER VIII | |
| The Mind of the Wizard | [252] |
| § 1. The Rise and Fall of Wizardry.—At first no professionals. Early professionals unpaid; except by influence; which enables them to maintain order. Animism gives rise to sorcerers and priests. Priests suppress sorcery and black Magic, and absorb white Magic in religious rites. Societies of wizards | [252]-[7] |
| § 2. The Wizard’s Pretensions.—Control of Nature; shape-changing and flying; the causing and curing of diseases; Divination; control of ghosts and spirits. General trust in them | [257]-[9] |
| § 3. Characteristics of the Wizard—Intelligence and knowledge; force of will and daring (initiation); motives—attraction of mystery, reputation, power; distinctive costume and demeanour of a “superman”; jealousy of rivals; histrionic temperament; hysterical diathesis. Suggestibility of his clients | [259]-[76] |
| § 4. The Wizard and the Sceptic.—Social delusion and imposture. Scepticism frequent amongst chiefs and the higher social ranks, and also amongst the people, because of common sense. Still more difficult for Wizards to maintain self-delusion | [276]-[83] |
| § 5. The Wizard’s Persuasion.—Honesty and fraud. The Wizard by vocation. Fascination of Black Wizardry. Artifices professionally necessary seem justified by social utility. His belief strengthened by effects of natural causes set going by himself or by his clients, and by coincidences | [284]-[92] |
| CHAPTER IX | |
| Totemism | [293] |
| § 1. Meaning and Scope of Totemism.—Frazer’s definitions. The Clan-Totem, and observances connected with it | [293]-[6] |
| § 2. Of the Origin of Totemism.—Totemism not universal. Totemic names sometimes recent, generally ancient. Totemism has not the psychological necessity of Magic and Animism. Originates with the names of individuals or of groups? | [296]-[9] |
| § 3. The Conceptional Hypothesis of Frazer.—Belief in Totems derived from the fancies of women as to cause of pregnancy. Criticisms | [299]-[304] |
| § 4. Lang’s Hypothesis.—Names of animals or plants given to groups probably by other groups. Circumstances of origin having been forgotten, explanatory myths are invented with corresponding observances. Comments | [304]-[7] |
| § 5. Totemism and Marriage.—Exogamy, Totemism and Marriage Classes. Westermarck’s hypothesis as to Exogamy | [307]-[11] |
| § 6. The Clansman and his Totem—perhaps believed to have the same soul | [312]-[14] |
| § 7. Totemism and Magic.—Magical properties of names. Transformation. Penalties on breach of observances. Control of Totems | [314]-[19] |
| § 8. Totemism and Animism.—Totems in Australia give warnings; are sometimes invoked in aid; the Wollunqua. Fusion of Totem with spirit of hero in Fiji; in Polynesia. Propitiation of guardian spirits, “elder brothers,” species-gods in North and South America. Zoolatry in Africa; in Egypt | [319]-[25] |
| CHAPTER X | |
| Magic and Science | [326] |
| § 1. Their Common Ground.—Both assume uniformity of action. Differentiated in opposite directions from common-sense | [326]-[8] |
| § 2. The Differentiation.—The Wizard a physician—genuine and magical drugs; a surgeon with some knowledge of Anatomy—effective remedies and the sucking-cure; of Psychology and suggestion; his Physiological Psychology. Knowledge of natural signs; Natural signs and Omens; Astronomy and Astrology. Rain-rites and Meteorology | [328]-[37] |
| § 3. Why Magic seems to be the Source of Science.—Conducted for ages by the same people, and develops faster | [337]-[340] |
| § 4. Animism and Science.—Naturally opposed as caprice to uniformity; but, indirectly, Animism is the great nurse of Science and Art. Animism and Philosophy. Conclusion | [340]-[42] |
| Index | [345] |
THE ORIGIN OF MAN AND OF HIS SUPERSTITIONS
CHAPTER I
ON THE DIFFERENTIATION OF MAN FROM THE ANTHROPOIDS
§ 1. The Hypothesis
That the human species as we now see it, with its several races, Mongolian, Negro, Mediterranean, etc., represents a Family of the Primates is generally agreed; and there is evidence that the Family formerly comprised other species that have become extinct. Our nearest surviving zoological relatives are the Gorilla, Chimpanzee and Orang, and (at a further remove) the Siamang and Gibbons; and in spite of the fundamental anatomical resemblance between those apes and ourselves, the difference is so great that some explanation of how it came about is very desirable.
The differences between Man and his nearest relatives are innumerable; but taking the chief of them, and assuming that the minor details are correlated with these, it is the hypothesis of this essay that they may all be traced to the influence of one variation operating amongst the original anthropoid conditions. That variation was the adoption of a flesh-diet and the habits of a hunter in order to obtain it. Without the adoption of a flesh-diet there could have been no hunting; but a flesh-diet obtained without hunting (supposing it possible) could have done nothing for the evolution of our stock. The adoption of the hunting-life, therefore, is the essential variation upon which everything else depends. We need not suppose that a whole ancestral species varied in this way: it is enough that a few, or even one, of the common anthropoid stock should have done so, and that the variation was advantageous and was inherited.
Such a variation must have occurred at some time, since Man is everywhere more or less carnivorous; the earliest known men were hunters; weapons are among the earliest known artefacts. And it is not improbable that the change began at the anthropoid level; because although extant anthropoids are mainly frugivorous, yet they occasionally eat birds’-eggs and young birds; the gorilla has been said to eat small mammals; and other Primates (cebidæ, macaques and baboons) eat insects, arachnids, crabs, worms, frogs, lizards, birds; and the crab-eating macaque collects a large portion of its food on the Malay littoral. Why, then, should not one ape have betaken itself to hunting?
We need not suppose that our ancestors were ever exclusively carnivorous: that is very unlikely. A mixed diet is the rule even amongst hunting tribes, and everywhere the women collect and consume fruits and roots. But if at first nearly omnivorous, our ancestor (it is assumed) soon preferred to attack mammals, and advanced at a remote date to the killing of the biggest game found in his habitat. Everywhere savage hunters do so now: the little Semang kills the tiger, rhinoceros, elephant and buffalo; and many thousands of years ago, in Europe men slew the reindeer and the mammoth, the horse and the bison, the hyæna and the cave-bear. It is true they had weapons and snares, whilst the first hunter had only hands and teeth.