Since now the taxes were a great oppression to the city and the rest of Italy, the law that abolished them caused pleasure to all. The senators, however, were angry at the praetor who proposed it (Metellus Nepos was the man) and wished to erase his name from the law, entering another one instead. Although this plan was not carried out, it was still made clear to all that they received not even benefits gladly from inferior men. About this same time Faustus, son of Sulla, gave a gladiatorial combat in memory of his father and entertained the people brilliantly, furnishing them with baths and oil gratis.

[-52-] While this happened in the city, Caesar had obtained the government of Lusitania after his praetorship: and, though he might without any great labor have cleared the land of brigandage (which probably always existed there) and then have kept quiet, he refused to do so. He was eager for glory, emulating Pompey and his other predecessors who at one time had held great power, and he harbored no small designs; it was his hope, in case he should at that time accomplish anything, to be immediately chosen consul and show the people deeds of magnitude. That hope was based more especially upon the fact that in Gades, when he was praetor, he had dreamed of intercourse with his mother, and had learned from the seers that he should come to great power. Hence, on beholding there a likeness of Alexander dedicated in the temple of Hercules he had given a groan, lamenting that he had performed no great work as yet.

Accordingly, though he might, as I have said, have been at peace, he took his way to Mount Herminium and ordered the dwellers on it to move into the plain, pretendedly that they might not rush down from their strongholds and plunder, but really because he well knew that they would never do what he asked, and that as a result he should get a cause for war. This also happened. After these men, then, had taken up arms he proceeded to draw them on. When some of the neighbors, fearing that he would betake himself against them too, carried off their children and wives and most valuable possessions out of the way across the Dorius, he first occupied their cities, where these measures were being taken, and next joined battle with the men themselves. They put their flocks in front of them, so that the Romans might scatter to seize the cattle, whereupon they would attack them. But Caesar, neglecting the quadrupeds, took the men by surprise and conquered them. [-53-] Meanwhile he learned that the inhabitants of Herminium had withdrawn and were intending to ambuscade him as he returned. So for the time being he returned by another road, but again made an attempt upon them in which he was victorious and pursued them in flight to the ocean. When, however, they abandoned the mainland and crossed over to an island, he stayed where he was, for his supply of boats was not large. He did put together some rafts, by means of which he sent on a part of his army, and lost numerous men. The person in command of them had advanced to a breakwater which was near the island and had disembarked the troops with a view to their crossing over on foot, when he was forced off by the flood tide and put out to sea, leaving them in the lurch. All of them died bravely defending themselves save Publius Scaefius, the only one to survive. Deprived of his shield and wounded in many places he leaped into the water and escaped by swimming. These events occurred all at one time. Later, Caesar sent for boats from Gades, crossed over to the island with his whole army and overcame the dwellers there without a blow, as they were in poor condition from lack of food. Thence he sailed along to Brigantium, a city of Gallaecia, alarmed the people (who had never before seen a vessel) by the breakers which his approach to land caused, and subjugated them.

[-54-] On accomplishing this he thought he had gained a sufficient means of access to the consulship and set out hastily, even before his successor arrived, to the elections. He decided to seek the position even before asking for a triumph, since it was not possible to hold a festival beforehand. He was refused the triumph, for Cato opposed him with might and main. However, he let that go, hoping to perform many more and greater exploits and celebrate corresponding triumphs, if elected consul. Besides the omens previously recited, on which, he at all times greatly prided himself, was the fact that a horse of his had been born with clefts in the hoofs of its front feet, and bore him proudly, whereas it would not endure any other rider. Consequently his expectations were of no small character, so that he willingly resigned the triumphal celebration and entered the city to canvass for office. Here he courted Pompey and Crassus and the rest so skillfully that though they were still at enmity with each other, and their political clubs were likewise, and though each opposed everything that he learned the other wished, he won them over and was unanimously appointed by them all. This evidences his cleverness in the greatest degree that he should have known and arranged the occasions and the amount of his services so well as to attach them both to him when they were working against each other.

[-55-] He was not even satisfied with this, but actually reconciled them, not because he was desirous of having them agree, but because he saw that they were the most powerful persons. And he understood well that without the aid of both or of one he could never come to any great power; but if he should make a friend of merely either one of them, he should by that fact find the other his antagonist and should suffer more reverses through him than he would win success by the support of the other. For, on the one hand, it seemed to him that all men work more strenuously against their enemies than they coöperate with their friends, not merely as a corollary of the fact that anger and hate impel more earnest endeavor than any friendship, but also because, when one man works for himself, and a second for another, success does not hold a like amount of pleasure or failure of pain in the two cases. Per contra he reflected that it was handier to get in people's way and prevent their reaching any prominence than to be willing to lead them to great heights. The chief reason for this was that he who keeps another from attaining magnitude pleases others as well as himself, whereas he who exalts another renders him burdensome to both those parties.

[-56-] These reasons led Caesar at that time to insinuate himself into their good graces, and subsequently he reconciled them with each other. He did not believe that without them he could either attain permanent power or fail to offend one of them some time, and had equally little fear of their harmonizing their plans and so becoming stronger than he. For he understood perfectly that he should master other people immediately through their friendship, and a little later master them through the agency of each other. And so it was.[28]

Pompey and Crassus, the moment they entered into his plan, themselves made peace each with the other as if of their own accord, and took Caesar into partnership respecting their designs. Pompey, on his side, was not so strong as he had hoped to be, and seeing that Crassus was in power and that Caesar's influence was growing feared that he should be utterly overthrown by them; but he had the additional hope that if he made them sharers in present advantages, he should win back his old authority through them. Crassus thought that he should properly surpass them all by reason of his family as well as his wealth; and since he was far inferior to Pompey and thought that Caesar would rise to great heights, he desired to set them in opposition one to the other, in order that neither of them should have the upper hand. He expected that they would be evenly matched antagonists and in this event he would get the benefit of the friendship of each and gain honors beyond both of them. For without supporting in all respects either the policy of the populace or that of the senate he did everything to advance his own supremacy. Thus it happened that he did both of them equal services and avoided the enmity of either, promoting on occasion whatever measures pleased both to such an extent as was likely to give him the credit for everything that went to the liking of the two, without any share in more unpleasant issues.

[-57-] Thus the three for these reasons cemented friendship, ratified it with oaths, and managed public affairs by their own influence. Next they gave and received in turn, one from another, whatever they set their hearts on and was in view of the circumstances suitable to be carried out by them. Their harmony caused an agreement also on the part of their political followers: these, too, did with impunity whatever they wished, enjoying the leadership of their superiors toward any ends, so that few traces of moderation remained and those only in Cato and in any one else who wished to seem to hold the same opinions as did he. No one in that generation took part in politics from pure motives and without any individual desire of gain except Cato. Some were ashamed of the acts committed and others who strove to imitate him took a hand in affairs in places, and manifested something of the same spirit: they were not persevering, however, inasmuch as their efforts sprang from cultivation of an attitude and not from innate virtue.

[-58-] This was the condition into which these men brought the affairs of Rome at that time while they concealed their sworn fellowship as much as possible. They did whatever had approved itself to them, but fabricated and put forth the most opposite motives, in order that they might still lie concealed for a very long time till their preparations should be sufficiently made.

Yet Heaven was not ignorant of their doings, and it straightway revealed plainly to those who could understand any such signs all that would later result from their domination. For of a sudden such a storm came down upon the whole city and all the land that quantities of trees were torn up by the roots, many houses were shattered, the boats moored in the Tiber both near the city and at its mouth were sunk, and the wooden bridge destroyed, and a small theatre built of timbers for some assembly was overturned, and in the midst of all this great numbers of human beings perished. These portents appeared in advance,—an image, as it were, of what should befall the people both on land and on water.