[-7-] It should be said that Metellus Celer and Cato and through him one Marcus Favonius, who imitated him in all points, for a while would not take the oath of obedience to the law. (This custom once[33], begun, as I have stated, became the regular practice in the case of other unusual measures also.) A number besides Metellus, who referred to his title of Numidicus, flatly declared they would never join in approving it. When, however, the day came[34] on which they were to incur the stated penalties, they took the oath, either as a result of the human trait according to which many persons utter promises and threats more easily than they put anything into execution, or else because they were going to be fined to no purpose, without helping the commonwealth at all by their obstinacy. So the law was ratified, and furthermore the land of Campania was given to those having three or more children. For this reason Capua was then for the first time considered a Roman colony.
By this means Caesar attached to his cause the people, and he won the knights, as well, by allowing them a third part of the taxes which they had hired. All the collections were made through them and though they had often asked the senate to grant them some satisfactory schedule, they had not gained it, because Cato and the others worked against them. When, then, he had conciliated this class also without any protest, he first ratified all the acts of Pompey—and in this he met no opposition from Lucullus or any one else,—and next he put through many other measures while no one opposed him. There was no gainsaying even from Cato, although in the praetorship which he soon after held, he would never mention the title of the other's laws, which were called the "Julian." While he followed their provisions in allotting the courts he most ridiculously concealed their names.
[-8-] These, then, because they are very many in number and offer no contribution to this history, I will leave aside.—Quintus Fufius Calenus, finding that the [B.C. 59 (a.u. 695)] votes of all in party contests were promiscuously mingled,—each of the classes attributing the superior measures to itself and referring the less sensible to the others—passed when praetor a law that each should cast its votes separately: his purpose was that even if their individual opinions could not be revealed, by reason of doing this secretly, yet the views of the classes at least might be made known.
As for the rest, Caesar himself proposed, advised and arranged everything in the city once for all as if he were its sole ruler. Hence some facetious persons hid the name of Bibulus in silence altogether and named Caesar twice, and in writing would mention Gaius Caesar and Julius Caesar as being the consuls. But in matters that concerned himself he managed through others, for he guarded most strenuously against the contingency of presenting anything to himself. By this means he more easily effected everything that he desired. He himself declared that he needed nothing more and strongly protested that he was satisfied with his present possessions. Others, believing him a necessary and useful factor in affairs proposed whatever he wished and had it ratified, not only before the populace but in the senate itself. For whereas the multitude granted him the government of Illyricum and of Gaul this side of the Alps with three legions for five years, the senate entrusted him in addition with Gaul beyond the mountains and another legion.
[-9-] Even so, in fear that Pompey in his absence (during which Aulus Gabinius was to be consul) might lead some revolt, he attached to his cause both Pompey and the other consul, Lucius Piso, by the bond of kinship: upon the former he bestowed his daughter, in spite of having betrothed her to another man, and he himself married Piso's daughter. Thus he fortified himself on all sides. But Cicero and Lucullus, little pleased at this, undertook to kill both Caesar and Pompey through the medium of one Lucius Vettius; they failed of their attempt, however, and all but perished themselves as well. For Vettius, being informed against and arrested before he had acted, denounced them; and had he not charged Bibulus also with being in the plot against the two, they would have certainly met some evil fate. As it was, inasmuch as in his defence he accused the man who had revealed the project to Pompey, he was suspected of not speaking the truth on other points either, but created the impression that the matter had been somehow purposely contrived with a view to calumniating the opposite party. About these details some spread one report and others another, but nothing was definitely proven. Vettius was brought before the populace and after naming only those whom I have mentioned was thrown into prison, where not much later he was treacherously murdered.
[-10-] In consequence of this Cicero became an object of suspicion on the part of Caesar and Pompey, and he strengthened their conjecture in his defence of Antonius. The latter, in his governorship of Macedonia, had committed many outrages upon the subject territory as well as the section that was under truce, and had been well chastised in return. He ravaged the possessions of the Dardani and their neighbors and then did not dare to withstand their attack, but pretending to retire with his cavalry for some other purpose took to flight; in this way the enemy surrounded his infantry and drove them out of the country with violence, taking away their plunder from them besides. When he tried the same tactics on the allies in Moesia he was defeated near the city of the Istrianians by the Bastarnian Scythians who came to their aid; and thereupon he decamped. It was not for this conduct, however, that he was accused, but he was indicted for conspiracy with Catiline; yet he was convicted on the former charge, so that it was his fate to be found not guilty of the crime for which he was being tried, but to be punished for something of which he was not accused. That was the way he finally came off; but at the time Cicero in the character of his advocate, because Antonius was his colleague, made a most bitter assault upon Caesar as responsible for the suit against the man, and heaped some abuse upon him in addition.
[-11-] Caesar was naturally indignant at it, but, although consul, refused to be the author of any insolent speech or act against him. He said that the rabble purposely cast out[35] many idle slurs upon their superiors, trying to entice them into strife, so that the commoners might seem to be equal and of like importance, in case they should get anything similar said of themselves. Hence he did not see fit to put any person on an equal footing with himself. It had been his custom, therefore, to conduct himself thus toward others who insulted him at all, and now seeing that Cicero was not so anxious about abusing him as about obtaining similar abuse in return and was merely desirous of being put on an equality with him, he paid little heed to his traducer, acting as if nothing had been said; indeed, he allowed him to employ vilifications unstintedly, as if they were praises showered upon him. Still, he did not disregard him entirely. Caesar possessed in reality a rather decent nature, and was not easily moved to anger. Accordingly, though punishing many, since his interests were of such magnitude, yet his action was not due to anger nor was it altogether immediate. He did not indulge wrath at all, but watched his opportunity and his vengeance dogged the steps of the majority of culprits without their knowing it. He did not take measures so as to seem to defend himself against anybody, but so as to arrange everything to his own advantage while creating the least odium. Therefore he visited retribution secretly and in places where one would least have expected it,—both for the sake of his reputation, to avoid seeming to be of a wrathful disposition, and to the end that no one through premonition should be on his guard in advance, or try to inflict some dangerous injury upon his persecutor before being injured. For he was not more concerned about what had already occurred than that[36] (future attacks) should be hindered. As a result he would pardon many of those, even, who had harmed him greatly, or pursue them only a little way, because he believed they would do no further injury; whereas upon many others, even more than was right, he took vengeance looking to his safety, and said that[37] what was done he could never make undone,[38] but because of the extreme punishment he would[39] for the future at least suffer[40] no calamity.
[-12-] These calculations induced him to remain quiet on this occasion, too; but when he ascertained that Clodius was willing to do him a favor in return, because he had not accused him of adultery, he set the man secretly against Cicero. In the first place, in order that he might be lawfully excluded from the patricians, he transferred him with Pompey's coöperation again to the plebian rank, and then immediately had him appointed tribune. This Clodius, then, muzzled Bibulus, who had entered the Forum at the expiration of his office and intended in the course of taking the oath to deliver a speech about present conditions, and after that attacked Cicero also.
[B.C. 58 (a.u. 696)]
He soon decided that it was not easy to overthrow a man who, on account of his skill in speaking, had very great influence in politics, and so proceeded to conciliate not only the populace, but also the knights and the senate with whom Cicero most held in regard. His hope was that if he could make these men his own, he might easily cause the downfall of the orator, whose great strength lay rather in the fear than in the good-will which he inspired. Cicero annoyed great numbers by his words, and those who were won to him by benefits conferred were not so numerous as those alienated by injuries done them. Not only did it hold true in his case that the majority of mankind are more ready to feel irritation at what displeases them than to feel grateful to any one for good treatment, and think that they have paid their advocates in full with wages, whereas they are determined to give those who oppose them at law a perceptible setback: but furthermore he invited very bitter enemies by always striving to get the better of even the strongest men and by always employing an unbridled and excessive frankness of speech to all alike; he was in desperate pursuit of a reputation for being able to comprehend and speak as no one else could, and before all wanted to be thought a valuable citizen. As a result of this and because he was the greatest boaster alive and thought no one equal to himself, but in his words and life alike looked down on all and would not live as any one else did, he was wearisome and burdensome, and was consequently both envied and hated even by those very persons whom he pleased.