"Do you not recall, partly from hearsay and partly from observation, that none of the Italian races refrained from plotting against our country until our ancestors brought war into their territories, nor did the Epirots until they crossed over into Greece? Philip did not refrain, but intended to make a campaign against Italy until they wrought harm to his land in advance. Nor was there hesitation on the part of Perseus, of Antiochus, of Mithridates, until they were subjected to the same treatment. And why must one mention the remaining cases? For a while the Carthaginians suffered no damage at our hands in Africa, and crossed into Italy, where they overran the country, sacked the towns and almost captured the City itself; but when war began to be made against them they decamped altogether from our land. One might instance this same course of events in regard to the Gauls and Celts. For these people while we remained on this side of the Alps often crossed them and ravaged a large part of Italy. But when we ventured at last to make a campaign beyond the mountains and to surround them with war, and actually detached a portion of their territory, we never again saw any war begun by them in Italy except once. When, accordingly, in the face of these facts anybody says that we ought not to make war he simply says that we ought not to be rich, ought not to rule others, ought not to be free, to be Romans. Just as you would not endure it if a man should say any of these things, but would kill him even as he stood before you, so now also, my comrades, assume a like attitude toward those who utter the other form of statement, judging their disposition not by their words but by their acts.
[-41-] "Now no one of you would contend, I think, that these are not the right kind of ideas to entertain. If, however, any one thinks that the fact of no investigation having been made about this war before the senate and of no vote having been passed in presence of the assembly is a reason why we need be less eager, let him reflect that of all the wars which have ever fallen to our lot some, to be sure, have come about as a result of preparation and previous announcement, but others equally on the spur of the moment. For this reason all uprisings that are made while we are staying at home and keeping quiet and in which the beginning of the complaints arises from some embassy both need and demand an enquiry into their nature and the introduction of a vote, after which the consuls and praetors must be assigned to them and the forces sent out: but all that come to light after persons have already gone forth and taken the field are no longer to be brought up for decision, but to be taken hold of in advance, before they increase, as matters decreed and ratified by Necessity herself.
"Else for what reason did the people despatch you to this point, for what reason did they send me immediately after my consulship? Why did they, on the one hand, elect me to hold command for five years at one time, as had never been done before, and on the other hand equip me with four legions, unless they believed that we should certainly be required to fight, besides? Surely it was not that we might be supported in idleness or traveling about to allied cities and subject territory prove a worse bane to them than an enemy. Not a man would make this assertion. It was rather that we might keep our own land, ravage that of the enemy, and accomplish something worthy both of our numbers and our expenditures. Therefore with this understanding both this war and every other whatsoever has been entrusted, has been delivered to us. They acted very sensibly in leaving in our hands the decision as to whom we should fight against, instead of voting for the war themselves. For they would not have been able to understand thoroughly the affairs of our allies, being at such a distance from them, and would not have taken measures against known and prepared enemies at an equally fitting moment. So we, to whom is left at once the decision and the execution of the war, by turning our weapons immediately against foes that are actually in the field shall not be acting in an unauthorized or unjust or incautious manner.
[-42-] "But suppose some one of you interrupts me with the following objection: 'What has Ariovistus done so far out of the way as to become an enemy of ours in Place of a friend and ally?' Let any such man consider the fact that one has to defend one's self against those who are undertaking to do any wrong not only on the basis of what they do, but also on the basis of what they intend, and has to check their growth in advance, before suffering some hurt, instead of waiting to have some real injury inflicted and then taking vengeance. Now how could he better be proven to be hostile, yes, most hostile toward us than from what he has done? I sent to him in a friendly way to have him come to me and deliberate in my company about present conditions, and he neither came nor promised that he would appear. And yet what did I do that was unfair or unfitting or arrogant in summoning him as a friend and ally? What insolence and wantonness rather, has he omitted in refusing to come? Is it not inevitable that he did this from one of two reasons, either that he suspected he should suffer some harm or that he felt contempt for me? Well, if he had any suspicions he convicted himself most clearly of conspiring against us. For no one that has not endured any injury is suspicious toward us nor does one become so as a result of an upright and guileless mind: no, it is those who have prepared to wrong others that are ready to be suspicious of them because of their own conscience. If, again, nothing of this sort was at the bottom of his action, but he merely looked down on us and insulted us with overweening words, what must we expect him to do when he lays hold of some real project? For when a man has shown such disdain in matters where he was not going to gain anything, how has he not been convicted of entire injustice in intention and in performance?
"Still, he was not satisfied with this, but further bade me come to him, if I wanted anything of him. [-43-] Do not, I beg of you, regard this addition as slight. It is really a good indication of his disposition. That he should have refused to visit me a person speaking in his defence might refer to shrinking and sickness and fear. But that he should send a summons to me admits of no excuse, and furthermore proves him to have acted from no other impulse than a readiness to yield me obedience in no point and a determination to impose corresponding demands in every case. With now much insolence and abuse does this very course of his teem! The proconsul of the Romans summons a man and the latter does not come: then one of the Allobroges [sic] summons the proconsul of the Romans. Do not think this a small matter and of little moment in that it was I, Caesar, whom he failed to obey, or because he called me Caesar. It was not I that summoned him, but the Roman, the proconsul, the rods, the dignity, the legions: it was not I that was summoned by him, but all of these. Privately I have no dealings with him, but in common we have all spoken and acted, received his retort and suffered.
[-44-] "Therefore the more that anybody asserts that he has been registered among our friends and among our allies, the more he will prove him to deserve our hatred. Why? Because acts such as not even any of our admittedly bitterest foes has ever ventured to perform have been committed by Ariovistus under the titles of friendship and of alliance; it looks as though he had secured them for the very purpose of having a chance to wrong us with impunity. On the other hand, our former treaty with him was not made with the idea of being insulted and plotted against, nor will it now be we who break the truce. For we sent envoys to him as to one who was still a friend and ally, but he—well you see how he has used us. Accordingly just as when he chose to benefit us and desired to be well treated in return he justly obtained his wishes, so now, too, when he does the opposite of that in everything, with thorough justice would he be held in the position of a foe. Do not be surprised that whereas once upon a time I myself did some little business in his behalf both in the senate and before the people I now speak in this way. So far as I am concerned my sentiments are the same now as then: I am not changing front. And what are they? To honor and reward the good and faithful, but to dishonor and punish the evil and unfaithful. It is he that is changing front, in that he makes an unfair and improper use of the privileges bestowed by us.
[-45-] "As to its being most just, then, for us to fight against him no one, I think, will have any contention to make. And that he is neither invincible nor even a difficult adversary you can see from the other members of his race whom you have often conquered before and have recently conquered very easily, and you can calculate further from what we learn about the man himself. For in general he has no native force that is united and welded together, and at present, since he is expecting no reverse, he utterly lacks preparation. Again, not one of his countrymen would readily aid him, not even if he makes most tempting offers. Who would choose to be his ally and fight against us before receiving any injury at our hands? Is it not rather likely that all would coöperate with us, instead of with him,—from a desire to overthrow his principality, which joins theirs, and obtain from us some share of his territory?
"Even if some should band together, they would not prove at all superior to us. For, to omit the rest,—our numbers, our age, our experience, our deeds,—who is there ignorant of the fact that we have armor over all our body alike, whereas they are for the most part naked, and that we employ both plan and arrangement, whereas they, unorganized, rush at everything in a rage. Be sure not to dread their charge nor the greatness of either their bodies or their shout. For voice never yet killed any man, and their bodies, having the same hands as we, can accomplish no more, but will be capable of much greater damage through being both big and naked. And though their charge is tremendous and headlong at first, it is easily exhausted and lasts but a short time. [-46-] To you who have doubtless experienced what I mention and have conquered men like them I make these suggestions so that you need not appear to have been influenced by my talk and may really feel a most steadfast hope of victory as a result of what has already been accomplished. However, a great many of the very Gauls who are like them will be our allies, so that even if these nations did have anything terrible about them, it will belong to us as well as to the others.
"Do you, then, look at matters in this way and instruct the rest. I might as well tell you that even if some of you do hold opposite views, I, for my part, fight just as I am and will never abandon the position to which I was assigned by my country. The tenth legion will be enough for me. I am sure that they, even if there should be need of going through fire, would readily go through it naked. The rest of you be off the quicker the better and cease consuming supplies here to no purpose, recklessly spending the public money, laying claim to other men's labors, and appropriating the plunder gathered by others."
[-47-] At the end of this speech of Caesar's not only did no one raise an objection, even if some thought altogether the opposite, but they all approved his words, especially those who were suspected by him of spreading the talk they had heard mentioned. The soldiers they had no difficulty in persuading to yield obedience: some had of their own free will previously decided to do so and the rest were led to that course through emulation of them. He had made an exception of the tenth legion because for some reason he always felt kindly toward it. This was the way the government troops were named, according to the arrangement of the lists; whence those of the present day have similar titles.