[-7-] For reason their removal was equally in all other respects of a tumultuous and confused appearance. The departing citizens, practically all of whom were the foremost men of the senate and of the knights and of the populace, nominally were setting out for war, but really were undergoing the experiences of captives. They were terribly distressed at being compelled to abandon their country and their pursuits there, and to consider foreign walls more native than their own. Such as removed with their entire household said farewell to the temples and their houses and their paternal threshold with the feeling that these would straightway become the property of their opponents: they themselves, not being ignorant of Pompey's intention, had the purpose, in case they should survive, of establishing themselves in Macedonia or Thrace. And those who left behind on the spot their children and wives and their other most valued possessions appeared to have some little hope of their country but really fared much worse than the others, since being sundered from their dearest treasures they exposed themselves to a double and most hostile fortune. For in delivering their closest interests to the power of their bitterest foes they were destined to play the coward and yet themselves encounter danger, to show zeal and yet to be deprived of what they prized: moreover they would find a friend in neither rival, but an enemy in both,—in Caesar because they themselves did not remain behind, and in Pompey because they did not take the others with them. Hence they assumed a twofold attitude in their decisions, in their prayers, and in their hopes: with their bodies they were being drawn away from those nearest to them, and their souls they found cleft in twain.
[-8-] These were the feelings of the departing throng: and those left behind had to face a different, but equally unpleasant situation. Bereft of the association of their nearest relatives, deprived, as it were, of their guardians and far from able to defend themselves, exposed to the enemy and about to be subject to the authority of him who should make himself master of the city, they were themselves distressed by fear both of outrages and of murders as if they were already taking place. In view of these same possibilities such as were angry at the fugitives, because they themselves had been left in the lurch, cursed them for it, and those who condoned their action because of the necessity still felt consequent fears. The rest of the populace entire, even if they possessed not the least kinship with those departing, were nevertheless grieved at their fate, some expecting that their neighbors, and others that their comrades would go far away from them and do and suffer many unusual things. Most of all they bewailed their own lot, seeing the magistrates and the senate and all the rest who had any power,—they were not sure whether a single one of them would be left behind,—cast out of their country and away from them. They reflected how those men, had not many altogether dreadful calamities fastened themselves upon the State, would never have wished to flee, and they likened themselves, made destitute of allies, in every conceivable respect to orphaned children and widow women. Being the first to await the wrath and the lust of the oncoming foe, they remembered their former sufferings, some by experience and others by hearing it from the victims, all the outrages that Marius and Sulla had committed, and they therefore did not look to Caesar for moderate treatment.[68] On the contrary, because his army was constituted very largely of barbarians, they expected that their misfortunes would be far more in number and more terrible than those of yore.
[-9-] Since, then, all of them were in this condition, and no one except those who appeared to be good friends of Caesar made light of the situation, and even they, in consideration of the change of character to which most men are subject according to their circumstances, were not courageous enough to think that the source of their confidence was reliable, it is not easy to conceive how great confusion and how great grief prevailed at the departure of the consuls and those who set out with them. All night they made an uproar in packing up and going about, and toward dawn great sorrow fell upon them, induced by the action of the priests, who went about offering prayers on every side. They invoked the gods, showered kisses on the floors, enumerated how many times and from what perils they had survived, and lamented that they were leaving their country,—a venture they had never made before. Near the gates, too, there was much wailing. Some took fond leave at once of each other and of the city as if they were beholding them for the last time: others bewailed their own lot and joined their prayers to those of the departing: the larger number, on the ground that they were being betrayed, uttered maledictions. The whole population, even those that stayed behind, were there with all the women and all the children. Then the one group set out on their way and the other group escorted them. Some interposed delays and were detained by their acquaintances: others embraced and clung to each other for a long time. Those that remained accompanied those setting out, calling after them and expressing their sympathy, while with invocations of Heaven they besought them to take them, too or to remain at home themselves. Meanwhile there were shrill sounds of wailing over each one of the exiles even from outsiders, and insatiate floods of tears. Hope for the best they were scarcely at all inclined to entertain in their condition; it was rather suffering which was expected, first by those who were left and subsequently by those who were departing. Any one that saw them would have guessed that two peoples and two cities were being made from one and that one was being driven out and was fleeing, whereas the other was being left to its fate and was being captured.
[-10-] Pompey thus left the city drawing many of the senators after him; some remained behind, either attached to Caesar's cause or maintaining a neutral attitude toward both. He hastily raised levies from the cities, collected money, and sent garrisons to almost every point. Caesar, when he learned this, did not hurry to Rome: it, he knew, was offered as a prize to the victors, and he said that he was not marching against that place as hostile to him but against his political opponents in its behalf. And he sent a letter throughout all Italy in which he summoned Pompey to a kind of trial, encouraged all to be of good cheer, bade them remain in their places, and made them many promises. He set out next against Corfinium, which, being occupied by Lucius Domitius, had not joined his adherents, and after conquering in battle a few who met him he shut up the rest in a state of siege. Pompey, inasmuch as these citizens were being besieged and many of the others were falling off to Caesar, had no further hope of Italy but resolved to cross over into Macedonia, Greece, and Asia. He derived much encouragement from the remembrance of what he had achieved there and from the friendship of the people and the princes. (Spain was likewise devoted to him, but he could not reach it safely because Caesar had possession of both the Gauls.) Moreover he calculated that if he should sail away, no one would pursue him on account of the lack of boats and on account of the winter,—the late autumn being far advanced,—and meanwhile he would at leisure amass both money and troops, much of them from subject and much from allied territory. [-11-] With this design, therefore, he himself set out for Brundusium and bade Domitius abandon Corfinium and accompany him. In spite of the large force that Domitius had and the hopes he reposed in it—for he had courted the favor of the soldiers in every way and had won some of them by promises of land (having belonged to Sulla's veterans he had acquired a large amount in that reign)—he nevertheless obeyed orders. Meanwhile Pompey proceeded with his preparations to evacuate the country in safety: his associates learning this shrank from the journey abroad, because it seemed to them a flight, and attached themselves to Caesar. So these joined the invader's army: but Domitius and the other senators after being censured by Caesar for arraying themselves in opposition, were released and came to Pompey.
[-12-]Caesar now was anxious to join issue with him before he sailed away, to fight it out with him in Italy, and to overtake him while he was still at Brundusium; for since there were not sufficient boats for them, Pompey had sent forward the consuls and others, fearing that they might begin some rebellion if they stayed on the spot. Caesar, seeing the difficulty of capturing the place, urged his opponent to accede to some agreement, assuring him that he should obtain both peace and friendship again. When Pompey made no further response than that he would communicate to the consuls what Caesar said, the latter, inasmuch as they had decided to receive no citizen in arms for a conference, assaulted the city. Pompey repelled him for some days until the boats came back. Having meanwhile barricaded and obstructed with fortifications the roads leading to the harbor so that no one should attack him while sailing off, he then set sail by night. Thus he crossed over to Macedonia in safety and Brundusium was captured as well as two boats full of men.
[-13-] Pompey accordingly deserted in this way his country and the rest of Italy, choosing and carrying out quite the opposite of his former course, when he sailed back to it from Asia; wherefore he obtained the reverse fortune and the reverse reputation. Formerly he broke up his legions at Brundusium, in order not to cause the citizens any solicitude, but now he was leading away through the town to fight against them other forces gathered from Italy. Whereas he had brought the wealth of the barbarians to Rome, he had now conveyed away from it all that he possibly could to other places. And of all those at home he was in despair, but purposed to use against his country foreigners and the allies once enslaved by him, and he put far more hope in them both of safety and of power than in those who had been benefited. Instead of the brilliance, therefore, which, acquired in those wars, had marked his arrival, he set out with humiliation as his portion in return for his fear of Caesar: and instead of fame which he had had for exalting his country, he became most infamous for his desertion of her.
[-14-] At the very moment of coming to land at Dyrrachium he learned that he should not obtain a prosperous outcome. Thunderbolts destroyed soldiers even as the ships were approaching; spiders occupied the army standards; and after he had left the vessel serpents followed and obliterated his footprints. These were the portents which he encountered in person, but before the whole capital others had occurred both that year and a short time previously. For there is no doubt about the fact that in seditions the state is injured by both parties. Hence many wolves and owls were seen in the City itself and continual earthquakes with bellowings took place, fire shot down from the west to the east, and other fires burned both the temple of Quirinus and a second. The sun, too, suffered a total eclipse, and thunderbolts damaged a sceptre of Jupiter, a shield and a helmet of Mars that were votive offerings on the Capitol, and furthermore the tablets which contained the laws. Many animals brought forth creatures outside of their own species, certain oracles purporting to be those of the Sibyl were made known, and some men becoming inspired practiced numerous divinations. No praefectus urbi was chosen for the Feriae, as had been the custom, but the praetors, at least according to some accounts, performed all his duties; others say they did this only in the next year. If the former are right it happened twice; and the first season Perperna who had once been censor with Philippus died, being the last, as I stated, of all the senators who had been alive in his censorship. This event, too, seemed likely to cause political confusion. The people were, then, naturally disturbed at the portents, but as both sides thought and hoped that they could lay them all on their opponents, they offered no expiatory sacrifices.
[-15-] Caesar at this time did not even attempt to sail to Macedonia, because he was short of boats and had fears for Italy, dreading that the lieutenants of Pompey from Spain might assail and occupy it. He put Brundusium under guard for the purpose that no one of those departed should sail back again, and went to Rome. There the senate had been assembled for him outside the pomerium by Antony and Longinus: they, who had been expelled from it, now convened that body. He accordingly made a speech of some length and of a temperate character, so that they might experience good-will toward him at the present and feel an excellent hope for the future. And since he saw them displeased at what was going on and suspicious of the multitude of soldiers, he wished to encourage and to conciliate them somewhat, to the end that quiet might prevail in their quarter while he was conducting the war. Therefore he censured no one and delivered no threat against any person, but made an attack not without imprecations upon those who wished to war against citizens, and at last moved that ambassadors be sent immediately in behalf of peace and harmony to the consuls and to Pompey. [-16-] He made these same statements also to the populace, when that body had likewise assembled outside the pomerium, and he sent for corn from the islands and promised each one of them seventy-five denarii. He hoped to tempt them with this bait. The men, however, reflected that those who are pursuing certain ends and those who have attained them do not think or act alike: at the start of their operations they make all the most delightful offers to such as can work against them in any way, but when they succeed in what they wish, they remember nothing at all about it and use against those very persons the power which they have received from them. They remembered also the behavior of Marius and Sulla,—how many kind things they had often told them, and then what treatment they had given them in return for their confidence,—and furthermore perceiving Caesar's necessity and seeing that his armed followers were many and were everywhere in the city, they were unable either to trust or to be cheered by his words. On the contrary, as they had fresh in their memory the fear caused by former events, they suspected him also, particularly because the ambassadors apparently intended to initiate a reconciliation were chosen, to be sure, but did not go out. Indeed, for even making mention of them once Piso, his father-in-law, was severely rebuked. [-17-] The people, far from getting at that time the money which he had promised them, had to give him all the rest that remained in the public coffers for the support of his soldiers, whom they feared. Amid all these happenings, as being favorable, they wore the garb of peace, which they had not as yet put off. Lucius Metellus, a tribune, opposed the proposition about the money, and when his efforts proved ineffectual went to the treasury and kept watch of its doors. The soldiers, paying little heed to either his guarding or his outspokenness, cut through the bar,—for the consuls had the key, as if it were not possible for persons to use axes in place of it,—and carried out all the money. In fact, Caesar's other projects also, as I have often stated, he both brought to vote and carried out in the same fashion, under the name of democracy,—the most of them being introduced by Antony,—but with the substance of despotism. Both men named their political rivals enemies of their country and declared that they themselves were fighting for the public interests, whereas each really ruined those interests and increased only his own private possessions.
[-18-] After taking these steps Caesar occupied Sardinia and Sicily without a battle, as the governors there at that time withdrew. Aristobulus he sent home to Palestine to accomplish something against Pompey. He also allowed the children of those proscribed by Sulla to canvass for office, and arranged everything else both in the city and in the rest of Italy to his own best advantage, so far as circumstances permitted. Affairs, at home he now committed to Antony's care and himself set out for Spain which distinctly chose to follow Pompey and caused him some uneasiness lest his rival should induce the Gallic countries to revolt. Meantime Cicero and other senators did not appear in Caesar's sight, but retired to join Pompey, who, they believed, had more justice on his side and would conquer in the war. For the consuls before setting sail and Pompey using the authority of proconsul had ordered them all to accompany him to Thessalonica on the general ground that the capital was being held by certain enemies but that they themselves were the senate and would maintain the form of the government wherever they should be. For this reason most of the senators and the knights, some of them immediately and others later, and all the cities that were not subdued by Caesar's arms, embraced his cause.
[-19-]The Massilians, however, alone of the peoples who dwell in Gaul, refused to coöperate with Caesar, and would not receive him into their city, but made a noteworthy answer to him. They said they were allies of the Roman people and were favorably disposed toward both generals, and they could not go into details and were not competent to judge which of the two was in the wrong: consequently, in case of friendly overtures being made they would receive them both, they said, without their arms, but on a war basis neither of them. On being placed in a state of siege they repulsed Caesar himself and held out for a very long time against Trebonius and Decimus Brutus, who subsequently besieged them. Caesar contended stoutly for some time, thinking to capture them easily, and regarding it as ridiculous that after vanquishing Rome without a battle he was not received by the Massilians; but later, when their resistance proved stubborn, he committed them to the care of others and himself hastened to Spain. [-20-] He had sent thither already Gaius Fabius, but fearing he would fail while contending by himself, he too began a campaign. Afranius and Petreius at this time had charge of affairs in the vicinity of the Iber and had posted a guard over the pass in the mountains, but chiefly they had gathered their forces in Ilerda, and there awaited the attackers. Fabius repulsed the hostile garrison at the Pyrenees but as he was crossing the river Sicoris they fell upon him suddenly and killed many of his men who were cut off. The bridge assisted them materially by breaking before all had crossed. When Caesar came up not much later, he crossed the river by another bridge and challenged them to battle; but they did not dare to try conclusions with him for a very considerable number of days, and remained quietly encamped opposite him. Encouraged from this cause he undertook to seize the ground, a strong position, between their rampart and the city, with the intention of shutting them off from the walls. Afranius and his followers on perceiving this occupied it first, repulsed their assailants, and pursued them when they fled. Then when others came out against them from the fortress they first resisted, then yielded purposely, and so enticed the sallying party into positions which ere favorable to themselves, where they slew many more of them. After this they took courage, attacked Caesar's foraging parties and harassed the scattered members. And on one occasion when some soldiers had crossed to the other side of the river and meantime a great storm had come up and the bridge which they had used was destroyed, they crossed over also by the other bridge, which was near the city, and annihilated them all, as no one was able to come to their assistance.