[-18-] Scarcely had these resolutions been passed when terrible news that arrived from Germany prevented them from holding any festivals. At that same period the following events had taken place in Celtica. The Romans had a hold on parts of it,—not the whole region, but just places that happened to have been subdued, so that the fact has not received historical notice,—and soldiers of theirs were used to wintering there and cities were being founded. The barbarians were adapting themselves to Roman ways, were taking up the custom of markets, and were holding peaceful meetings. They had not, however, forgotten their ancestral habits, their native manners, the life of independence, or the authority given by arms. Hence, while they were unlearning them gradually and imperceptibly, with careful watching, they were not disturbed by the changed conditions of existence, and they were becoming different without knowing it. Finally, Quintilius Varus received the command of Germany and in the discharge of his office strove, in administering the affairs of the people, to introduce more widespread changes among them. He treated them in general as if they were already slaves, levying money upon them as he had upon subject nations. This they were not inclined to endure, for the prominent men longed for their former ascendency and the masses preferred their accustomed constitution to foreign domination. They did not openly revolt, since they saw there were many Roman soldiers near the Rhine and many in their own territory; but they received Varus, pretending they would execute all his commands, and took him far away from the Rhine into Cheruscis near the Visurgis. There by behaving in a most peaceful and friendly manner they led him to believe that they could be trusted to live submissively without soldiers. [-19-] Consequently he did not keep his legions together as was proper in an enemy's country, and many of the men he distributed to helpless communities who asked it, for the supposed purpose of guarding certain localities, or arresting robbers, or escorting provision trains. Those deepest in the conspiracy and the leaders of the plot and of the war, among others Armenius and Segimerus, were his constant companions and often entertained him. He, accordingly, became confident and expecting no harm not only refused to believe all such as suspected the truth and advised him to be on his guard, but even rebuked them on the ground that they were needlessly disturbed and slandered his friends. Then there came an uprising, first of those dwelling at a distance from him, purposely contrived, that Varus should march against them and be easier overcome while on his journey through what he deemed a friendly country, and that he might not at once know that all were his enemies and guard himself against all of them. It turned out precisely so. They escorted him on his setting out, and begged to be excused from attendance[2] in order to gather auxiliaries (as they said), after which they would quickly come to his assistance. So then they took charge of forces already in waiting, and after killing the different bodies of soldiers for whom they had previously asked they encountered him in the midst of forests by this time hard to traverse. There they showed themselves as enemies instead of subjects and wrought many deeds of fearful injury. [-20-] The mountains had an uneven surface broken by ravines, and the trees, standing close together, were extremely tall. Hence the Romans even before the enemy assaulted them were having hard work in felling, road making, and bridging places that required it. They had with them many wagons and many beasts of burden as in a time of peace. Not a few children and women and a large body of servants were following them,—another reason for their advancing in scattered groups. Meanwhile a great rain and wind came up that separated them still farther, while the ground, being slippery where there were roots and logs, made walking very difficult for them, and the top branches of trees, which kept breaking off and falling down, caused confusion. While the Romans were in such perplexity as this the barbarians suddenly encompassed them from all sides at once, coming through the thickest part of the underbrush, since they were acquainted with the paths. At first they hurled from a distance; then as no one defended himself but many were wounded, they approached closer to them. The Romans were in no order but going along helter-skelter among the wagons and the unarmed, and so, not being able to form readily in a body, and being fewer at every point than their assailants, they suffered greatly and offered no resistance at all. [-21-] Accordingly, they encamped on the spot, after securing a suitable place so far as that was possible on a wooded mountain, and afterward they either burned or abandoned the majority of their wagons and everything else that was not absolutely necessary for them. The next day they advanced in better order, with the aim of reaching open country; but they did not gain it without loss. From there they went forward and plunged into the woods again, defending themselves against the attacks, but endured no inconsiderable reverses in this very operation. For whereas they were marshaled in a narrow place in order that cavalry and heavy-armed men in a mass might run down their foes, they had many collisions with one another and with the trees. Dawn of the fourth day broke as they were advancing and again a violent downpour and mighty wind attacked them, which would not allow them to go forward or even to stand securely, and actually deprived them of the use of their weapons. They could not manage successfully their arrows or their javelins or, indeed, their shields (which were soaked through). The enemy, however, being for the most part lightly equipped and with power to approach and retire freely, suffered less from the effects of the storm. Their numbers, moreover, increased, as numbers of those who had at first wavered joined them particularly for the sake of plunder, and so they could more easily encircle and strike down the Romans, who were already few, many having perished in the previous battles. Varus, therefore, and the most eminent of the other leaders, fearing that they might either be taken alive or be killed by their bitterest foes,—for they had been wounded,—dared do a deed which was frightful but not to be avoided: they killed themselves.
[-22-] When this news was spread, none of the rest, even if he had strength still left, defended himself longer. Some imitated their leader; others, throwing aside their arms, allowed who pleased to slay them. To flee was impossible, however one might wish it. Every man and horse, therefore, was cut down without resistance, and the[3] …
And the barbarians occupied all the strongholds save one, delay over which prevented them from either crossing the Rhine or invading Gaul. Yet they found themselves unable to reduce this particular fort because they did not understand the conduct of sieges and because the Romans employed numerous archers, who repeatedly repulsed them and from first to last destroyed a large proportion of the attacking party.
Later they learned that the Romans had posted a guard at the Rhine and that Tiberius was approaching with an imposing force of fighters. Therefore most of the barbarians retired from the fortress, and the detachment still left there withdrew some distance away, so as not to be damaged by sudden sallies of the men inside; and they kept watch of the roads, hoping to capture the garrison through scarcity of food supplies. The Romans within, so long as they had abundance of sustenance, remained where they were awaiting relief. But when no one came to their assistance and they were likewise a prey to hunger, they watched for a stormy night and issued forth—the soldiers were but fed, the unarmed many,—and
they passed the first and second guard of their adversaries, but when they reached the third they were detected; for on account of fatigue and fear, and the darkness and cold, the women and children kept calling to the men of fighting age to come back. They would all have perished or been captured, had not the barbarians been so busily occupied with seizing the plunder. This gave an opportunity for many of the most hardy to get some distance off, and the trumpeters with them by sounding the signal for a double quick march caused the enemy to think (for night was coming on and they could not be seen) that they had been sent from Asprenas. Therefore the foe ceased their pursuit, and Asprenas on learning what was taking place rendered them assistance in reality. Some of the captives were later ransomed by their relatives and returned, for this was permitted on condition that the ransoming party should be outside of Italy at the time.—But this was only afterward. [-23-] At the time, when Augustus heard of the disaster to Varus, he rent his clothing (as some assert) and mourned greatly over the lost soldiers as also over the fear inspired by the Germans and the Gauls. His grief was especially keen because he expected that they would march upon Italy and upon Rome itself. There were no citizens of military age worth mentioning that were left and the allied forces that were of any value had been ruined. Nevertheless he made preparations as well as he could in view of the circumstances: and when no one of the proper age for warfare showed a willingness to be enrolled, he instituted a drawing of lots and deprived of his property every fifth man to draw of those not yet thirty-five years old and every tenth man among those who were older, besides disenfranchising them. Finally, as very many paid no heed to him even then, he put some to death. He chose by lot as many as he could of those who had already finished their service and of the freedmen, and having enrolled them sent them at once in haste with Tiberius into Germany. And as there were in Rome a number of Gauls and Celtæ, sojourning there for various purposes, and some of them serving in the pretorian guard, he feared that they might commit some act of insurrection: therefore he sent such as were in his guard off to the islands and ordered the unarmed class to leave the city.
[-24-] This was the way be busied himself at that time, and none of the usual business went on nor were the festivals celebrated. After this, when he heard that some of the soldiers had been saved, that the Germanies were garrisoned and the enemy did not dare to come down even to the Rhine, he ceased to be excited and stopped to consider the matter. A catastrophe so great and prostrating as this, it seemed to him, could have been due to nothing else than the wrath of some Divinity: moreover, by reason of the portents which took place both before the defeat and afterward he was greatly inclined to suspect some miraculous working. The temple of Mars in the field of the same name had been struck by lightning and many locusts that flew into the very city were devoured by swallows; the peaks of the Alps seemed to totter toward one another and to send up three fiery columns; the sky in many places appeared ablaze and at the same time numerous comet stars came to view; spears darting from the north seemed to be falling upon the Roman camp; bees formed their combs about Roman altars; a statue of Victory which was in Germany, facing hostile territory, turned about toward Italy; and once an aimless battle and conflict of the soldiers occurred about the eagles in the camps, as if the barbarians had fallen upon them.
For these reasons, then, and also because … [4]
[A.D. 10 (a. u. 763)]
Tiberius did not see fit to cross the Rhine, but kept quiet, watching to see that the barbarians should not do so. The latter, however, knowing him to be present, did not venture to cross either.
Germanicus was endeared to the populace for many causes, but particularly because he interceded for various persons, and this quite as much in the presence of Augustus himself as before other justices. Now there was a court to try a quæstor who was charged with murder, and, as Germanicus was going to be his advocate, his accuser became alarmed lest he might consequently meet with defeat before those judges in whose presence such cases were wont to be tried, and he desired to have Augustus preside. Yet his efforts were vain, for he did not win his case.