This was all that the composition disclosed. During the reading many diverse utterances and expressions of countenance were observable. First, before the people heard the letter, they were engaged in lauding the man, whom they supposed to be on the point of receiving the tribunician authority. They shouted their approval realizing in anticipation all their hopes and making a demonstration to show that they would concur in granting him honor. When, however, nothing of the sort was discovered, but they kept hearing just the reverse of what they expected, they fell into confusion and subsequently into deep dejection. Some of those seated near him even withdrew. They now no longer cared to share the same seat with the man whom previously they were anxious to claim as friend. Then prætors and tribunes began to surround him to prevent his causing any uproar by rushing out,—which he certainly would have done, if he had been startled at the outset by any general tirade. As it was, he paid no great heed to what was read from time to time, thinking it a slight matter, a single charge, and hoping that nothing further, or at any rate nothing serious in regard to him had been made a matter of comment. So he let the time slip by and remained where he was.
Meantime Regulus called him forward, but he paid no attention, not out of contempt,—for he had already been humbled,—but because he was unaccustomed to hearing any command given him. But when the consul shouted at him a second and a third time, at the same time stretching out his arm and saying: "Sejanus, come here!" he enquired blankly: "Are you calling me?" So at last he stood up, and Laco, who had entered, took his stand beside him. When finally the reading of the letter was finished, all with one voice both denounced him and uttered threats, some because they had been wronged, others through fear, some to disguise their friendship for him and others out of joy at his downfall. Regulus did not give all of them, however, a chance to vote, nor did he put the question to any one regarding the man's death, for fear there should be come opposition and a consequent disturbance; for Sejanus had numerous relatives and friends. Hence, after asking one person's opinion and obtaining a supporting vote in favor of imprisonment, he conducted the former favorite out of the senate-chamber, and in company with the other officials and with Laco led him down to the prison.
[-11-] Then might one have obtained a clear and searching insight into the weakness of man, so that self-conceit would have been never again, under any conditions possible. Him whom at dawn they had escorted to the senate-halls as one superior to themselves they were now dragging to a cell as if no better than the worst. On him whom they once deemed worthy of crowns they now heaped bonds. Him whom they were wont to protect as a master they now guarded like a runaway slave, and uncovered while he wore a headdress. Him whom they had adorned with the purple-bordered toga they struck in the face. Whom they were wont to adore and sacrifice to as to a god they were now leading to execution. The crowd also assailed him, reproaching him violently for the lives he had destroyed and jeering loudly at what had been hoped of him. All of his images they hurled down, beat down, and pulled down, seeming to feel that they were maltreating the man himself, and he thus became a spectator of what he was destined to suffer. For the moment he was merely cast into prison; but not much later,—that very day, in fact,—the senate assembled in the temple of Concord not far from his cell, and seeing the attitude of the populace and that none of the Pretorians was near by it condemned him to death. On these orders he was executed and his body cast down the Scalæ Gemoniæ, where the rabble abused it for three whole days and afterward threw it into the river. His children were put to death by special decree, the girl (whom he had betrothed to the son of Claudius) having been first outraged by the public executioner on the principle that it was unlawful for a virgin to meet death in prison. His wife Apicata was not condemned, to be sure, but on learning that her children were dead and after seeing their bodies on the Stairs she withdrew and composed a statement regarding the death of Drusus, directed against Livilla, the latter's wife, who had been the cause of a quarrel between herself and her husband, resulting in their separation. This document she forwarded to Tiberius and then committed suicide. Thus the statement came to the hands of Tiberius, and when he had obtained proof of the information he put to death Livilla and all others therein mentioned. I have, indeed, heard that he spared her out of regard for her mother Antonia, and that Antonia herself voluntarily destroyed her daughter by starving her. At any rate, that was later.
[-12-] At this time a great uproar ensued in the City. The populace slew any one it saw of those who had possessed great influence with Sejanus and relying on him had committed acts of insolence. The soldiers, too, in irritation because they had been suspected of friendliness toward Sejanus and because the nightwatchmen had been preferred before them in the confidence of the emperor, proceeded to burn and plunder,—and this in spite of the fact that all officials were guarding the entire city in accordance with the injunction of Tiberius.
Not even the senate was quiet, but such members of it as had paid court to Sejanus were greatly disturbed by dread of reprisals; and those who had accused or borne witness against any persons were filled with fear by the prevailing suspicion that they had destroyed their victims out of regard for the minister instead of for Tiberius. Very small indeed was the courageous element, which was unhampered by these terrors and expected that Tiberius would become milder. For as usually happens, they laid the responsibility for their previous misfortunes upon the dead man and charged the emperor with few or none of them. Of the most of this unjust treatment, they said, he had been ignorant, and he had been forced into the rest against his will. Privately this was the disposition of the various classes; publicly they voted, as if they had cast off some tyranny, not to hold any mourning over the deceased and to have a statue of Liberty erected in the Forum; also a festival was to be celebrated under the auspices of all the magistrates and priests,—as had never before occurred; and the day on which he died was to be made renowned by annual horse-races and slaughters of wild beasts, directed by those appointed to the four priesthoods and by the members of the Sodality of Augustus. This, too, had never before been done. To celebrate the ruin of the man whom they by the excess and novelty of their honors had led to destruction they voted solemnities that were not customary even for the gods. They comprehended so clearly that it was chiefly these honors which had bereft him of his senses that they at once forbade explicitly the giving of excessive marks of esteem to any one, as also the taking of oaths in the name of any one other than the emperor. Yet though they passed such votes, as if under a divine inspiration, they began shortly after to fawn upon Macro and Laco. They gave them great sums of money and to Laco the honors of ex-quaestors, while to Macro they extended the honors of ex-prætors. Similarly[6] they allowed them also to view spectacles in their company and to wear the toga praetextata at the ludi votivi. The men did not accept these privileges, however, for the recent example served as a deterrent. Nor would Tiberius take any honor bestowed, though many were voted him, chief among them being that he should begin from this time to be termed Father of his Country and that his birthday should be marked by ten equestrian contests and a senatorial banquet. Indeed, he gave notice anew that no one should introduce any such motion.—These were the events happening in the capital.
[-13-] Tiberius for a time had certainly been in great fear that Sejanus would occupy the City and sail against him, and so he had prepared boats, to the end that, if anything of the sort should come to pass, he might escape. He had commanded Macro,—or so some say,—if there should be any uprising to bring Drusus before the senate and the people and appoint him emperor.
When he learned that his enemy was dead, he rejoiced, as was natural, yet would not receive the embassy sent to congratulate him, though many members of the senate and many of the knights and of the populace had been despatched, as before. Indeed he even rebuffed the consul Regulus, who had always been devoted to his interests and had come in accordance with the emperor's own commands to see about his being conveyed in safety to the City.
[-14-] Thus perished Sejanus, who had attained greater power than those who obtained his office before or after him (save Plautianus). His relatives, his associates, and all the rest who had paid court to him and had moved that honors be granted him were brought to trial. The majority of them were convicted for the acts that had previously made them objects of envy; and their fellow-citizens condemned them for the measures which they themselves had previously voted. Numbers of men who had been tried on various charges and acquitted were again accused and convicted on the ground that they had been saved the first time as a favor to the deceased. Accordingly, if no other complaint could be brought against a person, the statement that he had been a friend of Sejanus served to convict him,—as if, forsooth, Tiberius himself had not been friendly with him, and caused others to become interested for his sake. Among those who laid information in this way were the men who were wont to pay court to Sejanus. Inasmuch as they knew thoroughly those who were in the same position, they had no great trouble either in finding them out or securing their conviction. So they, expecting to save themselves by doing this, and to obtain honors and money besides, accused others or else bore witness against them. But it proved that none of their hopes was realized. They found themselves liable to the same charges on which they had prosecuted others, and partly as a result of them and partly on account of the general detestation of traitors perished along with their companions. [-15-] Of those against whom charges were brought many were present in person to hear their accusation and make their defence, and some employed great frankness in so doing. Still, the majority made away with themselves prior to their conviction. They did this chiefly to avoid suffering insult and outrage. (For all who had incurred any such charge, senators as well as knights, women as well as men, were crowded together into the prison. After their condemnation some underwent the penalty there and others were hurled from the Capitol by the tribunes or the consuls. The bodies of all of them were cast into the Forum and subsequently were thrown into the river.) But their object was partly that their children might inherit their property. Very few estates of such as voluntarily took themselves off before their trial were confiscated, Tiberius in this way inviting men to become their own murderers, that he might avoid the reputation of having killed them; as if it were not far more fearful to compel a man to die by his own hand than to deliver him to the executioner. [-16-] Most of the estates of such as failed to die in this way were confiscated, only a little or nothing at all even being given to their accusers. For he was now giving far more[7] accurate attention to money. After this Tiberius increased to one per cent. a tax which was already one-half of one per cent. and proceeded to accept every inheritance left to him. And in fact nearly every one left him something,—even those who made away with themselves,—as they had to Sejanus while the latter lived.
Also, with that same intention which had led him not to take possession of the wealth of those who perished voluntarily, he made the senate sponsor for every official summons, to the end that he might be free from blame himself (for so he thought) and the senate pass sentence upon itself as a wrongdoer.[8] By this means people came to be thoroughly aware, during the time that they were being destroyed through one another's agency, that their former troubles had emanated no more from Sejanus than from Tiberius. For not only were the accusers of various persons brought to trial, but those who had condemned them were in turn sentenced. So it was that Tiberius spared no one, but kept using up all the citizens one against another; no firm friendships existed any longer[9]; but the unjust and the guiltless, the fearful and the fearless stood on the same footing as regarded the investigation made into the complaints about Sejanus. At length he saw fit to propose a kind of amnesty for the sufferers, and so he gave permission to those who wished to go into mourning for the deceased; and in addition he forbade that any one should in any way be hindered from showing this respect to the memory of any person,—for such prohibitory votes were frequently passed. Yet he did not in fact confirm this edict, but after a brief space he punished numbers on account of Sejanus and on other complaints: they were generally charged with having outraged and murdered their nearest female relatives.
[A.D. 32(a. u. 785)]