Great Events in the History of North and South America

by Charles A. Goodrich

(CONTINUED FROM PAGE [756].)

Congress assembled on the 3d of December. But the organization of the House of Representatives was delayed for twenty days, that period being consumed in voting for a Speaker, before a choice was effected. The ballotings reached the number of sixty-three. So nearly balanced were the two great political parties, that a few members, constituting the "Free Soil Party," so called, had it in their power for this long time to prevent a choice, and that power they exercised with an obstinacy of purpose, which excited the marvel of the nation. Nor, at the last, was a choice effected but by the adoption of a novel resolution, viz., that after voting viva voce three times, if no speaker is elected, the vote shall be called again, and the member having the highest vote, provided it be a majority of a quorum, shall be declared elected. Under this rule the choice finally fell upon the candidate of the democratic party.

To the people of the country, such a contest was regarded with deep regret, and even with indignation. The feelings of members became excited and exasperated; political jealousies and animosities were kindled, sectional differences were magnified to unwonted importance, and sectional interests advocated and insisted upon, all giving premonition of the long and stormy session which followed.

Fortunately, the President and Senate awaited the issue with a calm and dignified bearing; and, on the organization of the House, the former communicated his annual Message. It was more brief than such documents have usually been; but clear, able, and remarkably practical. It recommended among other matters of various moment, an alteration of the Tariff—improvements in rivers and harbors—strict neutrality of the nation in foreign quarrels—and the immediate admission of California with the Constitution which she had already formed. The message concluded by urging the preservation of the Union, in terms as noble in sentiment, as beautiful in expression. The President said: "Attachment to the Union of the States, should be habitually fostered in every American heart. For more than half a century, during which kingdoms and empires have fallen, this Union has stood unshaken. The patriots who formed it, have long since descended to the grave; yet still it remains, the proudest monument to their memory, and the object of affection and admiration with every one, worthy to bear the American name. In my judgment, its dissolution would be the greatest of calamities; and to avert that, should be the study of every American. Upon its preservation must depend our own happiness, and that of countless generations to come. What ever dangers may threaten it, I shall stand by it, and maintain it in its integrity to the full extent of the obligations imposed, and the power conferred upon me by the Constitution."

Proceedings in Congress.—For years the subject of slavery has been, as is well known, a fruitful theme of controversy, and a source of jealousy and agitation, between parties in the southern and northern states. The great territorial acquisitions of the United States, consequent upon the war with Mexico, and the question whether slavery should or should not obtain in those territories, had served to increase that jealousy and that agitation. Moreover, California had already adopted a Constitution, by which slavery was excluded, and was making application for admission into the Union. Other states were soon expected to follow her lead. To the South, these anti-slavery tendencies were not only unexpected, but most unwelcome, as with the hope, and, probably, with the design of extending the area of slavery, they had ardently enlisted in the Mexican war. On the other hand, the people of the North generally, were for preventing the further extension of slavery, and even desired to curtail the system by all constitutional measures within their power.

It was in this sensitive and excited state of the country that Congress assembled. The members themselves participated more or less in these jealous and antagonistical feelings, which were rather increased than allayed by the unfortunate contest attendant upon the election of a speaker. Indeed, that a storm was approaching was too evident to be concealed. A crisis had come which must be met. Questions of the deepest importance could no longer be postponed. It was fortunate for the nation, that the Senate at this time embodied men of great political sagacity, and firm and patriotic resolution. Among these may be mentioned, by way of pre-eminence, Mr. Clay, who had once more returned to the councils of the nation, and upon whom more than any other man, it seemed to devolve, to mediate between parties holding a hostile attitude, and to suggest some measures, if such were possible, by which great and daily increasing difficulties might be compromised.

Accordingly, towards the close of January, Mr. Clay introduced his celebrated resolutions to the consideration of the Senate, "by which, taken together, he proposed an amicable arrangement of all the questions in controversy between free and slave states, growing out of the subject of the institution of Slavery." These resolutions were as follows.

The first of these related to the admission of California, when she should apply, without providing for the introduction or exclusion of Slavery within her boundaries. The second declared that Slavery does not exist, and is not likely to be introduced into the territories acquired from the republic of Mexico; and that no legislation should be had in reference to its introduction or exclusion therefrom. The third established the western boundary in the state of Texas. The fourth provided for the payment of the public debt of the State of Texas, she relinquishing to the United States all her claims for any part of New Mexico. The fifth asserted the inexpediency of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, without the consent of Maryland, without the consent of the people of the district, and without just compensation to the owners of the slaves within the district. The sixth expressed the expediency of prohibiting the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. The seventh related to the restitution and delivery of fugitive slaves. The eighth denied the power to Congress, to prohibit or obstruct the slave-trade between the slaveholding states.

These resolutions were subsequently supported by Mr. Clay in a speech of great power, and in which the great pacificator stood before the Senate and the world as the firm and fast friend of the country—the whole country, in whose service, for whose prosperity, and for the preservation of whose Union, he had labored with untiring assiduity during the greater part of his life. In view of the dangers which were thickening around the country and the prospect of disunion, and possibly civil war growing out of these unsettled questions, between the North and South, Mr. Clay in conclusion, most eloquently said, "Sir, I implore gentlemen, I adjure them, whether from the South or the North, by all they hold dear in this world—by all their love of liberty—by all their veneration for their ancestors—by all their gratitude to Him, who has bestowed on them such unnumbered and countless blessings—by all the duties which they owe to mankind—and by all the duties which they owe to themselves, to pause, solemnly to pause at the edge of the precipice, before the fatal and dangerous leap is taken into the yawning abyss below, from which none who ever take it, shall return in safety."

From this time for months, these resolutions occupied the consideration of the Senate—speech following speech—often embodying the most profound views—exciting the deepest feelings, and giving birth ofttime to eloquence the most powerful and patriotic.