For the most part the battles of Jahvism must have been with the local religions of the lands the Israelites conquered.[19] Intermixing with the conquered peoples, in race kindred to themselves, they would readily adopt the divinities they found in possession of the soil. Thus, in different districts, Jahvism was opposed to different religions[20]—a fact which was afterwards the subject of the bitter irony of Jeremiah.[21] But its longest and most important conflict was with the religion of Baal, some particular deity worshipped under this generic title. The history of Elijah illustrates the severity and uncertainty of the struggle. To the Jahvists probably its fierceness was wholly due. They would tolerate the existence of no other religion, and so, in self-defence, other religions were bound to persecute them. This long contest with Baal must have been of great service to Jahvism.[22] It strengthened the fanaticism of the Jahvists, and showed vividly to the people the zeal their religion inspired. When actually put face to face with other gods, the superiority of Jahveh must have been so manifest as to gain for him many adherents.
During the early history of Israel, up to the time of the kings, in spite of occasional interruptions, the national fortunes were prosperous, and the territory of the Israelites increased in extent. Jahvism, as the national religion, would naturally share in the prosperity of the state. In the golden age of Israel, the age of David and Solomon, it must have had great nominal power. The large Israelitish empire which then existed must have appeared convincing proof that the national deity had kept his part of the covenant, and so the people would be more disposed to abide by theirs. But Jahvism could not have really sunk into the hearts of the Israelites; their devotion to it was strong in the sunshine, but failed in the storm. When the kingdom was split in two, and the fortunes of the Israelites steadily declined, and great empires, in comparison with which, even united, they were as nothing, overshadowed them, then Jahvism seemed threatened with utter ruin. Only the devotion of its true adherents, whom the days of its success had enabled to develop in appreciation of its value, saved it from destruction.
Still, even during the closing struggle, Jahvism must have included in its ranks a large proportion of the people. The language of the prophets is clear evidence of this. The strong phrase, “I am full of the burnt-offerings of rams and the fat of fed beasts,”[23] which Isaiah puts in the mouth of Jahveh, is a proof that many sacrifices were then being offered to him. Signs of only a formal adherence they probably were; and it was not merely to extend the nominal limits of their religion, but to change this formal adherence into a real grasp of its principles, that the prophets fought their battle and won Israel for Jahveh.
CHAPTER II.
THE MESSIANIC FOUNDATION OF CHRISTIANITY.
By the time of the prophets Jahvism had grown into Judaism. Their religion, with the examination of which we shall be mainly occupied in this chapter, in all cases was a pure monotheism; they worshipped Jahveh as God, sole maker and ruler of heaven and earth. It was Judaism, too, in the sense that it was universally recognized as the national religion. That Jahveh was properly the god of Israel was now admitted by all. And this the prophets unhesitatingly assumed. They did not regard themselves as preachers of a religion who sought to persuade others of its truth; they were rather, in their own eyes, champions of loyalty against rebels and traitors false to their parent Israel. For while they believed that Jahveh was God, the creator of all the world, he was still much more to them the god of Israel “his servant, the seed of Abraham his friend.”[24] Patriotism was the essence of their religion. Even when the later prophets reached their highest exaltation in dreaming of the return of all men to the knowledge of God, they were thinking of the welfare of the Gentiles far less than of the glory of Israel. And this, too, inspired their passionate hatred of sin. They hated it not merely for its own sake, but as an act of civil revolt against Jahveh, which called down his vengeance on their country. As Jahveh was head of the state, sin was a political offence, and they condemned it accordingly with the fervour of condemnation so rare in moral, so common in political questions. The grand poetry of denunciation with which they enriched the literature of the world sprang from local feeling based on local requirements.
Previous to this period no prophetical writings are found. And yet there must have been prophets of Jahveh before; indeed, many such are mentioned in the Jewish historical books. Evidently prophetic activity was less needed before. Jahvism had prospered with the prosperity of the nation; but when the national fortunes declined, and the great Assyrian empire threatened Judæa, it began to lose its hold on the people. To save itself, it rallied all its strength, and the splendid period of prophetic energy, which has handed down to us so many noble works, was the result. The prophets saved Judaism. We owe to them an inestimable debt of gratitude, for they were the channel through which flowed the higher religious forces of the world. It was well that the crisis came no earlier, or perhaps their religion would not have been sufficiently developed to call forth such magnificent powers in its defence.
Intensely patriotic as the prophets were, the chief object that engaged their attention was the depression of Israel’s fortunes. However weak the allegiance of the Israelites in general to him had been, still they were Jahveh’s people, his representatives on earth.[25] In spite of much back-sliding, he had given them prosperity, and under the first kings had made them a powerful nation. In their own time, on the other hand, the early prophets saw Israel divided and weak, and threatened with utter destruction; and the later prophets saw this destruction fall on one kingdom after the other, until the national existence ceased. Believing that all events were under the control of Jahveh, and that he had made the covenant with Israel mentioned in the last chapter, they could accept only one explanation of their country’s calamities. They could not imagine Jahveh false to his promise, and so the alternatives would be presented to them as the second Isaiah puts them before his countrymen: “Behold, Jahveh’s hand is not shortened, that it cannot save; neither his ear heavy, that it cannot hear: but your iniquities have separated between you and your God, and your sins have hidden his face from you, so that he will not hear.”[26] This is the burden of all the preaching of the prophets. They were ever saying to their countrymen, “You have broken your covenant; you have deserted Jahveh; and now he has deserted you.”[27] The almost invariable image under which they describe Israel is that of an adulterous woman who has forsaken her husband. By their violation of the covenant, the Israelites had provoked Jahveh’s wrath, and all their misfortunes were sent as a punishment by him.[28]
Compelled professionally thus to believe that Israel had been false to Jahveh, the prophets were not good judges of the actual extent of this falsehood. They denounced the wickedness of the people, not so much because they saw it as because they felt it must be there as the explanation of Jahveh’s harshness. Hence it is very likely that their reports of the evil doings of their countrymen are exaggerated. If we did not know from internal probability that the religion of Jahveh was then in danger, we might suspect that the prophets were fighting imaginary foes. Knowing, however, that they must have had great forces opposed to them, we can allow for the exaggeration, and yet admit the general truth of their statements.