Autobiography of Charles Clinton Nourse / Prepared for use of Members of the Family

by Charles Clinton Nourse

The next morning, Tuesday, I crossed the Mississippi river at Dubuque, having had an appointment to speak in Dubuque that day. It so happened that the democrats had prepared for a grand democratic rally that day, at which Mr. Douglas, their candidate for President, expected to be present. At the suggestion of my friends I stayed over until the next day. I was anxious to hear Mr. Douglas, and attended his meeting, which was well attended by his followers and friends. I could not but feel sorry for and have some sympathy with the man when he came upon the platform to speak. He had of course heard the news of the result of the elections in Ohio and Indiana, and knew that the hopes and aspirations of his life were forever blighted. Douglas was called "the little giant," and he truly was a brave man. He stood before the audience, knowing that his fate as a candidate for the presidency was forever sealed, but he never flinched or gave any evidence whatever of his disappointment. I wished to hear Mr. Douglas, not because I expected to hear anything new, for I had studied well his speeches and knew his views upon the subjects about which he was to talk, but I wished to study his method and manner, for I knew he was an experienced man upon the platform. He never spoke a sentence without first inhaling a full breath. He made his sentences short and never uttered a word when his lungs were exhausted. He always expressed himself in clear and concise language, and I think never changed the construction of his sentences or attempted their construction after he had commenced their utterance; hence there was no confusion, no hesitancy, and no exertion of the voice beyond what he anticipated when he began his utterances. I learned much from his manner of speaking, and after that tried to practice his art and skill in the management of my voice, and I think with some success, for during that canvass I frequently met our republican speakers with their throats inflamed and bandaged and so hoarse that they scarcely could be heard, whilst during the seven weeks that I was engaged in speaking, I spoke on an average once or twice a day without any difficulty or hoarseness or inflammation in my throat. I frequently relieved my voice by dropping into a conversational tone, finding this much easier for myself and much more agreeable to my hearers. I indulged frequently in anecdotes and amusing illustrations, and endeavored not only to convince the people by arguments but at the same time to entertain them.

I remained at Dubuque and spoke in the German theater on Wednesday night. The republicans, of course, were enthusiastic and joyous. The result of the elections in Ohio and Indiana had aroused and confirmed their hopes of success. I spoke from the stage of the theater for three long hours. I interspersed my remarks with frequent anecdotes that were received by the audience with shouts of applause. At one time after the general applause had partially subsided, some gentleman near the orchestra box was seized with a second paroxysm of laughter, and actually rolled off his seat to the floor shouting and screaming with delight. The entire audience arose to their feet, looking over the heads of those in front to see what had happened. I beckoned to them to please be seated, that it was only one of the new converts that was shoutingly happy. This awakened another round of laughter and applause, and I think everyone, unless it might have been some disappointed democrat present, was uproariously happy.

It would not be profitable to undertake to give an account of my many meetings during that canvass. I traveled about fifteen hundred miles, spoke in more than fifty counties of the state, continuing my labors up to the night before the November election.

One incident I recall that probably is worth recording: I spoke at Glenwood, in Mills county, to a large audience of ladies and gentlemen, and after discussing the political issues of the day I told them that there was a matter of a personal nature that I had not yet mentioned and that I would communicate to them in confidence: that I had been nominated by the republican state convention as their candidate for Attorney General of the state, that after my nomination I was somewhat doubtful as to the course I ought to pursue, whether or not it would be best to stay at home and trust to the strength of my party, or whether I ought to go over the state and discuss the political questions of the day and let the people know and hear for themselves what manner of man I was, that they might judge for themselves as to my competency to fill the important office for which I was a candidate. That in all cases of doubt or difficulty I had made it a rule to consult my wife, and I laid the matter before her, asking her advice as to what she thought it was best for me to do; that she immediately decided that I must go and speak to the people and let them see and hear me, adding that I could trust the people, that the people of Iowa beyond question knew and appreciated a good man when they could see and hear him. The audience shouted their applause at this conclusion of my address, and when I came down from the platform many friends came and shook hands with me, and especially the ladies, assuring me that the decision of my wife was correct.

The result of the election is a matter of history. Mr. Lincoln received the electoral vote of Iowa by some fifteen thousand majority, as did also every candidate on the republican ticket, including myself. At the close of my first term I was renominated and re-elected without opposition.

The duties of my office as Attorney General of the state consisted in advising the Governor and state officers when called upon by either of them for my opinion, and also when requested by that body to give my opinion to the general assembly, also to represent the state in all criminal cases appealed to the supreme court of the state. Our supreme court at that time met twice a year; to-wit, in April and October, in the city of Davenport, Iowa, and my duties required me to attend there during the sessions of the court. The judges of the court, a reporter, and myself, and most of the attorneys visiting the court from time to time, boarded at the Burtis House, an excellent hotel kept by Dr. Burtis at that time. It made up a pleasant party, and it was rather a pleasant episode in my professional life. The only important opinion I was called upon to give to the general assembly was as to the constitutionality of the proposed law providing for the soldiers' vote. The supreme court of Pennsylvania had held a similar statute under their constitution to be unconstitutional and void. I examined the question carefully, because it was one of great importance. So many of our loyal voters in the state were absent from the state as soldiers in the Civil War, and there was a great danger that those who sought to embarrass the prosecution of the war might place in control of our state affairs men inimical to the cause of the Union and nation. I gave an opinion to the legislature that the proposed law was constitutional. It was passed and afterwards sustained by the unanimous opinion of the judges of our supreme court, and from that time forward there was no question about the political status and conduct either of our state legislatures or our representatives in the national congress.

Soon after the opening of the Civil War the legislature of Iowa was called together in extra session, and enacted a law providing for the issuing of $800,000 of war defense bonds to be sold for the purpose of providing means to equip and muster into service the troops to be furnished by Iowa for the national cause. It also provided for three state commissioners with authority to put these bonds upon the market and sell the same at the best rate they could obtain. A number of other states in the Union had also provided for the issuing of bonds and the raising of means to arm and equip their soldiers. Hence when these commissioners went to New York for the purpose of putting our bonds upon the market, no desirable bids could be obtained. Our Secretary of State, Elijah Sells, had been ordered or requested by Governor Kirkwood to take these bonds to New York in order that they might be ready for delivery in case of sale. There was danger to be apprehended that the commissioners might attempt to hypothecate these bonds, or pledge them for a loan of money. The bonds bore eight per cent interest per annum, and they would constitute a great prize if the money sharks could get hold of them and sell them at any price they might bring in a money market then flooded with similar paper. Being advised of the situation, I accompanied the Secretary of State to New York, at my own instance and expense, for the purpose of advising the Governor and commissioners that under the law they had no authority to pledge or hypothecate these bonds, but could only sell them in the manner expressly provided by the statute. I had an opportunity of giving this advice, which I did very readily in New York, and I had the satisfaction of seeing the bonds brought back to our state and sold at a fair price to our own people.

My salary as Attorney General was one thousand dollars a year and a contingent fund of four hundred dollars additional each year. My official duties occupied about one-half of my time, and I continued in the general practice, except as to criminal cases, which yielded me about fourteen hundred dollars additional, making my income during these four years about twenty-eight hundred dollars which was rather more than any state officer or even judge of the supreme court received at that time.

Upon the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln in 1860 John A. Kasson, the man whom I had defeated for the nomination of Attorney General of the state, went to Washington City and secured the appointment as Second Assistant Postmaster General, which position he held until the fall of the year 1862, when he secured the nomination for congress from the republican congressional convention of this, the then fifth congressional district.

Upon the election of Mr. Lincoln in 1865 for his second term, I became an applicant for the position of United States District Attorney, putting my application in the hands of Senator Harlan. I also had letters from all of our members of congress and from Senator Grimes favoring my appointment. Mr. Kasson claimed that the appointment fell in his congressional district and he was entitled by courtesy to nominate the person who should receive it. Mr. Withrow, who was still a personal and political friend of Mr. Kasson, came to me personally and stated that if I would write to Mr. Kasson and signify my willingness to receive the appointment as coming through him, that Mr. Kasson would have the appointment made. I accordingly wrote to Mr. Kasson, stating that if he was disposed to recommend my appointment upon considerations of my fitness for the office and without reference to any supposed personal obligations to favor his political aspirations for the future, that I would be willing so to receive it. Upon receiving this letter, Mr. Kasson immediately went to the President and presented to him the name of Caleb Baldwin, of Council Bluffs, stating that Senator Harlan had been consulted and had agreed to Mr. Baldwin's appointment. Mr. Harlan, upon being advised of what Mr. Kasson had done, immediately went to the President, and at his request the appointment was suspended. On the 14th day of April ensuing, Mr. Lincoln was assassinated and Andrew Johnson, the Vice President, succeeded to the presidency. I immediately requested Mr. Harlan to pursue the subject of my appointment to the office no farther, and there the controversy dropped. I have regarded my disappointment in this matter as rather fortunate than otherwise, as I was not in harmony with the administration of Andrew Johnson and should not have cared to have held office under his administration.