[91] See Wilson (Henry), Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, iii, 490-97; Wilson, History of Reconstruction, 148-184; Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress, ii, 164-170; Wilson (Woodrow), Division and Reunion, 264.
[92] Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 39th Congress. McPherson, History of the Reconstruction, pp. 73-4.
[93] The veto messages of the Presidents of the United States, from Washington to Cleveland, inclusive, have been compiled by Ben: Perley Poore by order of the Senate.
[94] Congressional Globe, 39th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 915-917; McPherson, History of Reconstruction, pp. 68-72.
[95] See Wilson, Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, iii, 497-99; Wilson, History of the Reconstruction, 184-195; Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress, ii, 171-2.
[96] The votes were: House, 104 to 33; Senate, 33 to 12. For the text of the bill, see Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 39th Congress; McPherson, History of the Reconstruction, pp. 149-50. Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress, ii, 172, states that the bill was far less popular than the measure vetoed on February 19. “It required potent persuasion, re-enforced by the severest exercise of party discipline, to prevent a serious break in both Houses against the bill.”
[97] McPherson, History of the Reconstruction, 52-56.
[98] House journal, 39th Congress, 1st Session, 300, 315. The resolution was carried particularly to silence the Tennessee claimants for recognition. The somewhat anomalous position of that State gave grounds for the argument that it should be classed in the same category with the other Southern States. Thus Mr. Stevens was able to get the power for the joint committee which he had originally claimed.
[99] McPherson, History of the Reconstruction, pp. 58-63.
[100] See Wilson, Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, iii, 684-692; History of Reconstruction, 117-149; Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress, ii, 172-79.