CHAPTER XL
THE DAWN OF A NEW DAY, 1898-1917
Revival of economic prosperity.
SPANIARDS are in the habit of discussing their recent national development with reference to the year 1898, which is recognized as a turning-point in Spanish life, a change held by them to have been decidedly for the better. Nevertheless, the way had begun to be prepared with the accession of Alfonso XII to the throne; the splendid monument to that king in the Retiro at Madrid can be explained only on the ground that he symbolizes the re-establishment of good order in the peninsula, with a government based on what the Spanish people will stand, rather than on the full meed of an unworkable ideal. The country was tired of domestic strife, and asked only to be left in peace, with an opportunity to give attention to its material resources. This wish the government granted, and all Spain profited. Roads, railways, and irrigation ditches were built, and mining and the wine trade developed, while more recent times have witnessed a notable industrial growth in some of the northern cities. These matters were left very largely in the hands of foreigners, with Spaniards either wasting their blood and treasure in the colonies, or merely failing to participate in the economic enterprises of the peninsula. After 1898, however, Spaniards began to join with Englishmen, Germans, and Frenchmen in investing their capital in Spain. Many evils remained to be overcome, but the country recuperated to such an extent that its present wealth would compare favorably with that of the past at almost any stage of Spanish history, although the rate of economic progress has probably not equalled that of other countries.
Conservative rule in a pseudo-Liberal state.
On the surface the old politico-social ideas of Liberalism seemed for a while to have died, and the country came to be ruled by parties which supported the conservative constitution of 1876, although there was a widespread opposition in opinions it not in power. At the present time there is a Liberal and a Conservative party, but the difference between the two is recognized, even by many Spaniards, as being very slight. In 1911 there was a strike on the government-owned railways, whereupon the authorities suspended the constitutional guarantees, on the ground that the nation was in danger. One result was that bodies of men could not congregate,—and the strikers were helpless. In 1912 a general railway strike was threatened. The premier, Canalejas, called out the military reserves, and put them on the trains not only as guards but also as train operatives,—for, since all Spaniards who have served their term in the active army are in the reserves, the strikers were employed as military trainmen to put down their own strike,—a thing which they could not refuse to do, as they were under martial law. An early Cortes was promised, at which the questions of increase in wages and decrease in the hours of labor would be taken up. The Cortes was called,—and the matter of the strike was dropped. The interesting thing is that all of this took place while a Liberal government was in power! It is also said that the Liberals and Conservatives agreed, a few years ago, to alternate in office, thus showing their contempt for the spirit of representative institutions, but the Liberals did not retire from their control of the government in 1913, wherefore not a little ill-concealed resentment was displayed by the organs of the Conservative party. In fact, parties are divided on lines of the allegiance of individuals to the chieftain (cacique) of their group. National policies and projects of reform on the part of those in power get little beyond the stage of rhetoric, while government is too largely given over to the interplay of personal ambitions. To many the young king, Alfonso XIII, has seemed the most liberal-minded of the higher officers of the Spanish state, and in both word and deed he has appeared, until recently at least, to merit the characterization. Attaining to his majority at the age of sixteen, in 1902, he married the granddaughter of the English Queen Victoria in 1906,—an augury in itself of liberal views. A savage attempt was made, without success, to murder the young couple on their wedding day; on that occasion and two others when later assassinations were tried, Alfonso displayed such courage and coolness as to win for himself an immense popularity; “the valiant king” (El rey valiente) he is often called.
Underlying resentment against the government and growth of elements in opposition.
The political views of the Spanish people have been undergoing a change in recent years. Whereas the mass of the people were totally unready for the democratic constitution of 1812, or even for that of 1837, they are today becoming more and more radical in feeling. Everywhere there is discontent with the present management of state affairs, and it is customary to charge even the untoward incidents of daily life to the fault of “the bad government” (el mal gobierno), —for example, when a train is late, or over-crowded, both of which eventualities are of frequent occurrence. Many factors have combined to bring about this state of mind: much is traceable to social causes, to which allusion will be made presently; the very material progress of the country, resulting in a betterment of the condition of the poor, though their lot is still far from being an enviable one, has awakened desires among the masses of which their ancestors never dreamed; and the relative prosperity of many of the indianos (nabobs of the Indies), as returned Spanish emigrants are called, has led to a widespread belief that men can do better anywhere than under the “mal gobierno” of Spain. The average Spaniard of the working classes takes little interest in his right of suffrage (although this is more particularly true of the country districts than it is of the cities), for he is convinced that it makes no difference; he is helpless and hopeless in the face of a government which seems quite apart from him. Many believe, however, that there is a panacea for existing conditions, and groups have sprung up representing a variety of social, economic, and political ideas, such as single tax (georgismo,—from Henry George), socialism, and republicanism. The desire for a republic has grown steadily since its first public expression in 1854, and has now swept across the northern provinces of Spain, from Galicia to Catalonia, cutting through the formerly Carlist, or absolutist, country, although manifesting itself more in the cities than elsewhere. If no serious outbreak for the establishment of a republic has taken place, it is in large degree a tribute to the king. Alfonso has frequently declared himself ready to accept the wishes of the Spanish people in this matter, saying only a few years ago that if Spain should so decide he “would be the first to draw his sword in defence of the republic.” Too much weight should not be given to these political gropings of the Spanish people, for the forces of conservatism,—such as the nobles and the wealthy, the clergy, and the devoutly faithful (notably in the rural districts),—are still very powerful. Even the king has recently been charged with a tendency to become reactionary. In 1917 serious internal disturbances occurred, and it is said that Alfonso did not rise to the situation in the same liberal spirit as formerly. Whether this is the mere unfounded expression of party feeling, or whether the king has in truth experienced a change of heart, it is as yet too early to say. Whatever may be the exact composition of the elements against them, there is no doubt that the majority of the people feel a deep resentment against the prevailing government. In one respect this has led to consequences of a serious character. The old regional spirit of the Catalans has reasserted itself, and a distinct Catalan national feeling, sustained by a revival of Catalan as a literary tongue, has manifested itself. One event stands out from the rest in recent times, with regard to which all elements in Spanish life have had occasion to express their political views. That is the celebrated Ferrer case.
The Ferrer case and the “Maura, si!” and “Maura, no!”
In June, 1909, when a Conservative government was in power, with Antonio Maura at its head, credits were voted for a campaign in Morocco against some tribesmen who had attacked a railway leading to mines in the control of Spanish capitalists. There was an immediate outbreak of hostile public opinion in Spain, which in Catalonia resulted in serious riots. The strange thing about the Catalonian manifestations, which were most pronounced in Barcelona, was that they developed into what seemed to be an organized assault, not on the government or on capitalists, but on the Catholic Church. Churches, monasteries, convents, and shrines were attacked—and nothing else. The government soon had the situation in hand, and a number of arrests were made, followed in some cases by sentences of death or imprisonment. Public attention focused itself on the case of one Ferrer. Francisco Ferrer was born in 1859, the son of a poor Catalan farmer. As a youth he was an anarchist, pronouncing bitterly against the ideal of patriotism and against the church. Having participated in a Catalonian rebellion of 1885, he fled to Paris, where he entered into relations with a Parisian spinster, who soon died and left him a fortune. Later, he returned to Barcelona, and increased his possessions as the result of successful stock speculation. He founded a number of schools, which represented his ideas,—still uncompromisingly against the church. Ferrer was also a high official of the Freemasons and other secret societies. It is not to be wondered at, either, in view of his rebellious attitude toward society, that his regard for the marriage bond and for sexual morality was clearly not in accord with prevailing views. At the time of the Catalonian outbreak of 1909 he was charged with being one of the ring-leaders. A military court-martial was held, at which he was confronted with scores of witnesses, and it would seem that the prosecution established its case. Ferrer was convicted, and on October 13, 1909, was shot.[68] The case of Ferrer has been taken up internationally by various secret societies, but it has had a special significance in Spain. There, opinion has divided, not about Ferrer or the merits of his case, but with regard to the Conservative chieftain, Maura, whose government was responsible for his death. Maura is taken as the personification of the existing régime. “Maura, sí!” and “Maura, no!” (“Maura, yes!” and “Maura, no!”) have come to be popular watchwords, indicating whether one approves of things as they are, or whether one stands for a new and liberalized, truly democratic Spain.
Foreign policy of Spain since 1898 and attitude toward the Great War.