Hinduism and Buddhism, An Historical Sketch, Vol. 1

by Charles Eliot

[Footnote 77: The history of Japan and Tibet offers some exceptions.]
[Footnote 78: There are some exceptions, e.g. ancient Camboja, the Sikhs and the Marathas.]
[Footnote 79: But there are other kinds of worship, such as the old Vedic sacrifices which are still occasionally performed, and the burnt offerings (homa) still made in some temples. There are also tantric ceremonies and in Assam the public worship of the Vishnuites has probably been influenced by the ritual of Lamas in neighbouring Buddhist countries.]
[Footnote 80: This position is of great importance as tending to produce a similar arrangement of religious paraphernalia. The similarity disappears when Buddhist ceremonies are performed round Stûpas out of doors.]
[Footnote 81: As explained elsewhere, I draw a distinction between Tantrism and Śâktism.]
[Footnote 82: It does not seem to me to have given much inspiration to Rossetti in his Aatarte Syriaca.]
[Footnote 83: But in justice to the Tantras it should be mentioned that the Mahâ-nirvâṇa Tantra, x. 79, prohibits the burning of widows.]
[Footnote 84: See Asiatic Review, July, 1916, p. 33.]
[Footnote 85: E.g. Vijayanagar, the Marathas and the states of Rajputana.]
[Footnote 86: According to the census of 1911 no less than 72 per cent. of the population live by agriculture.]
[Footnote 87: The chief exceptions are: (a) the Tibetan church has acquired and holds power by political methods. It is an exact parallel to the Papacy, but it has never burnt people. (b) In mediæval Japan the great monasteries became fortified castles with lands and troops of their own. They fought one another and were a menace to the state. Later the Tokugawa sovereigns had the assistance of the Buddhist clergy in driving out Christianity but I do not think that their action can be compared either in extent or cruelty with the Inquisition. (c) In China Buddhism was in many reigns associated with a dissolute court and palace intrigues. This led to many scandals and great waste of money.]
[Footnote 88: See for instance Huxley's striking definition of Buddhism in his Romanes Lecture, 1893. "A system which knows no God in the western sense; which denies a soul to man: which counts the belief in immortality a blunder and the hope of it a sin: which refuses any efficacy to prayer and sacrifice: which bids men look to nothing but their own efforts for salvation: which in its original purity knew nothing of vows of obedience and never sought the aid of the secular arm: yet spread over a considerable moiety of the old world with marvellous rapidity and is still with whatever base admixture of foreign superstitions the dominant creed of a large fraction of mankind." But some of this is too strongly phrased. Early Buddhism counted the desire for heaven as a hindrance to the highest spiritual life, but if a man had not attained to that plane and was bound to be reborn somewhere, it did not question that his natural desire to be reborn in heaven was right and proper.]
[Footnote 89: It may of course be denied that Buddhism is a religion. In this connection some remarks of Mr Bradley are interesting. "The doctrine that there cannot be a religion without a personal God is to my mind entirely false" (Essays on Truth and Reality, p. 432). "I cannot accept a personal God as the ultimate truth" (ib. 449). "There are few greater responsibilities which a man can take on himself than to have proclaimed or even hinted that without immortality all religion is a cheat, all morality a self-deception" (Appearance and Reality, p. 510).]
[Footnote 90: Mahâvaṃsa, xii. 29, xiv. 58 and 64. Dîpavaṃsa, xn. 84 and 85, xiii. 7 and 8.]
[Footnote 91: Essays in Criticism, Second Series, Amiel.]
[Footnote 92: This definition of orthodoxy is due to St Vincent of Lerins. Quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum est.]
[Footnote 93: I know that this statement may encounter objections, but I believe that few Indians would be surprised at the proposition that God is all things. Some might deny it, but as a familiar error.]
[Footnote 94: But orthodox Christianity really falls into the same difficulty. For if God planned the redemption of the world and we are saved by the death of Christ, then the Chief Priests, Judas, Pilate and the soldiers who crucified Christ are at least the instruments of salvation.]
[Footnote 95: Wm James, Psychology, pp. 203 and 216.]
[Footnote 96: I quote this epitome from Wildon Carr's Henri Bergson, The Philosophy of Change, because the phraseology is thoroughly Buddhist and appears to have the approval of M. Bergson himself.]
[Footnote 97: Romanes Lecture, 1893.]
[Footnote 98: Appearance, p. 298.]
[Footnote 99: Thus the Śvetâśvatara Up. says that the whole world is filled with the parts or limbs of God and metaphors like sparks from a fire or threads from a spider seem an attempt to express the same idea. Br. Ar. Up. 2. 1. 20; Mund. Up. 2. 1. 1.]
[Footnote 100: Appearance, p. 244; Essays on Truth, p. 409; Appearance, p. 413. Though the above quotations are all from Mr Bradley I might have added others from Mr Bosanquet's Gifford Lectures and from Mr McTaggart.]
[Footnote 101: "The plurality of souls in the Absolute is therefore appearance and their existence not genuine ... souls like their bodies, are as such nothing more than appearance—Neither (body and soul) is real in the end: each is merely phenomenal." Appearance, pp. 305-307.]
[Footnote 102: Since I wrote this I have read Mr Wells' book God the Invisible King. Mr Wells knows that he is indebted to oriental thought and thinks that European religion in the future may be so too, but I do not know if he realizes how nearly his God coincides with the Mahayanist conception of a Bodhisattva such as Avalokita or Mañjuśri. These great beings have, as Bodhisattvas, a beginning: they are not the creators of the world but masters and conquerors of it and helpers of mankind: they have courage and eternal youth and Mañjuśri "bears a sword, that clean discriminating weapon." Like most Asiatics, Mr Wells cannot allow his God to be crucified and he draws a distinction between God and the Veiled Being, very like that made by Indians between Îśvara and Brahman.]
[Footnote 103: The Malay countries are the only exception.]
[Footnote 104: Thus Motoori (quoted in Aston's Shintō, p. 9) says "Birds, beasts, plants and trees, seas and mountains and all other things whatsoever which deserve to be dreaded and revered for the extraordinary and pre-eminent powers which they possess are called Kami.">[
[Footnote 105: This impersonality is perhaps a later characteristic. The original form of the Chinese character for T'ien Heaven represented a man. The old Finnish and Samoyede names for God—Ukko and Num—perhaps belong to this stage of thought.]
[Footnote 106: See the account of the Faunus message in this book.]
[Footnote 107: The chief exception in Sanskrit is the Râjataranginî, a chronicle of Kashmir composed in 1148 A.D. There are also a few panegyrics of contemporary monarchs, such as the Harshacarita of Bâṇa, and some of the Puranas (especially the Matsya and Vâyu) contain historical material. See Vincent Smith, Early History of India, chap. I, sect. II, and Pargiter Dynasties of the Kali Age. The Greek and Roman accounts of Ancient India have been collected by McCrindle in six volumes 1877-1901.]
[Footnote 108: The inscriptions of the Chola Kings however (c. 1000 A.D.) seem to boast of conquests to the East of India. See Coedès "Le royaume de Çrîvijaya" in B.E.F.E.O. 1918]
[Footnote 109: Very different opinions have been held as to whether this date should be approximately 1500 B.C. or 3000 B.C. The strong resemblance of the hymns of the Ṛig Veda to those of the Avesta is in favour of the less ancient date, but the date of the Gathas can hardly be regarded as certain.]
[Footnote 110: Linguistically there seems to be two distinct divisions, the Dravidians and the Munda (Kolarian).]
[Footnote 111: The affinity between the Dravidian and Ural-Altaic groups of languages has often been suggested but has met with scepticism. Any adequate treatment of this question demands a comparison of the earliest forms known in both groups and as to this I have no pretension to speak. But circumstances have led me to acquire at different times some practical acquaintance with Turkish and Finnish as well as a slight literary knowledge of Tamil and having these data I cannot help being struck by the general similarity shown in the structure both of words and of sentences (particularly the use of gerunds and the constructions which replace relative sentences) and by some resemblances in vocabulary. On the other hand the pronouns and consequently the conjugation of verbs show remarkable differences. But the curious Brahui language, which is classed as Dravidian, has negative forms in which pa is inserted into the verb, as in Yakut Turkish, e.g. Yakut bis-pa-ppin, I do not cut; Brahui khan-pa-ra, I do not see. The plural of nouns in Brahui uses the suffixes k and t which are found in the Finnish group and in Hungarian.]
[Footnote 112: See the legend in the Śat. Brâh. I. 4. 1. 14 ff.]
[Footnote 113: This much seems sure but whereas European scholars were till recently agreed that he died about 487 B.C. it is now suggested that 543 may be nearer the true date. See Vincent Smith in Oxford History of India, 1920, p. 48.]
[Footnote 114: Pali Takkasila. Greek Taxila. It was near the modern Rawal Pindi and is frequently mentioned in the Jâtakas as an ancient and well-known place.]
[Footnote 115: Most of them are known by the title of Śâtakarṇi.]
[Footnote 116: But perhaps not in language. Recent research makes it probable that the Kushans or Yüeh-chih used an Iranian idiom.]
[Footnote 117: Fleet and Franke consider that Kanishka preceded the two Kadphises and began to reign about 58 B.C.]
[Footnote 118: He appears to have been defeated in these regions by the Chinese general Pan-Chao about 90 A.D. but to have been more successful about fifteen years later.]
[Footnote 119: Or Hephthalites. The original name seems to have been something like Haptal.]
[Footnote 120: Strabo XV. 4. 73.]
[Footnote 121: Hist. Nat. VI. 23. (26).]
[Footnote 122: For authorities see Vincent Smith, Early History of India, 1908, p. 401.]
[Footnote 123: The inscriptions of Asoka mention four kingdoms, Pândya, Keralaputra, Cola and Satiyaputra.]
[Footnote 124: Hinduism is often used as a name for the mediaeval and modern religion of India, and Brahmanism for the older pre-Buddhist religion. But one word is needed as a general designation for Indian religion and Hinduism seems the better of the two for this purpose.]
[Footnote 125: Excluding Burma the last Census gives over 300,000. These are partly inhabitants of frontier districts, which are Indian only in the political sense, and partly foreigners residing in India.]
[Footnote 126: Only tradition preserves the memory of an older and freer system, when warriors like Viśvâmitra were able by their religious austerities to become Brahmans. See Muir's Sanskrit texts, vol. I. pp. 296-479 on the early contests between Warriors and Brahmans. We hear of Kings like Janaka of Videha and Ajâtaśatru of Kâśi who were admitted to be more learned than Brahmans but also of Kings like Vena and Nahusha who withstood the priesthood "and perished through want of submissiveness." The legend of Paraśurâma, an incarnation of Vishnu as a Brahman who destroyed the Kshatriya race, must surely have some historical foundation, though no other evidence is forthcoming of the events which it relates.]
[Footnote 127: In southern India and in Assam the superiors of monasteries sometimes exercise a quasi-episcopal authority.]
[Footnote 128: Śat. Brâhm. v. 3. 3. 12 and v. 4. 2. 3.]
[Footnote 129: The Mârkaṇḍeya Purâṇa discusses the question how Kṛishṇa could become a man.]
[Footnote 130: See for instance The Holy Lives of the Azhvars by Alkondavilli Govindâcârya. Mysore, 1902, pp. 215-216. "The Dravida Vedas have thus as high a sanction and authority as the Girvana (i.e. Sanskrit) Vedas.">[
[Footnote 131: I am inclined to believe that the Lingâyat doctrine really is that Lingâyats dying in the true faith do not transmigrate any more.]
[Footnote 132: E.g. Brih.-Âr. III. 2. 13 and IV. 4. 2-6.]
[Footnote 133: This is the accepted translation of dukkha but perhaps it is too strong, and uneasiness, though inconvenient for literary reasons, gives the meaning better.]
[Footnote 134: The old Scandinavian literature with its gods who must die is equally full of this sense of impermanence, but the Viking temperament bade a man fight and face his fate.]
[Footnote 135: But see Rabindrannath Tagore: Sadhana, especially the Chapter on Realization.]
[Footnote 136: Cf. Shelley's lines in Hellas:—

"Worlds on worlds are rolling ever
From creation to decay,
Like the bubbles on a river
Sparkling, bursting, borne away."

]

[Footnote 137: Nevertheless deva is sometimes used in the Upanishads as a designation of the supreme spirit.]
[Footnote 138: E.g. Brih.-Âr. Up. IV. 3. 33 and the parallel passages in the Taittirîya and other Upanishads.]
[Footnote 139: The principal one is the date of Asoka, deducible from an inscription in which he names contemporary Seleucid monarchs.]
[Footnote 140: E.g. a learned Brahman is often described in the Sutta Pitaka as "a repeater (of the sacred words) knowing the mystic verses by heart, one who had mastered the three Vedas, with the indices, the ritual, the phonology, the exegesis and the legends as a fifth.">[
[Footnote 141: There had been time for misunderstandings to arise. Thus the S^{.}atapatha Brâhmana sees in the well-known verse "who is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifices" an address to a deity named Ka (Sanskrit for who) and it would seem that an old word, uloka, has been separated in several passages into two words, u (a meaningless particle) and loka.]
[Footnote 142: Recent scholars are disposed to fix the appearance of Zoroaster between the middle of the seventh century and the earlier half of the sixth century B.C. But this date offers many difficulties. It makes it hard to explain the resemblances between the Gathas and the Rig Veda and how is it that respectable classical authorities of the fourth century B.C. quoted by Pliny attribute a high antiquity to Zoroaster?]
[Footnote 143: This applies chiefly to the three Samhitâs or collections of hymns and prayers. On the other hand there was no feeling against the composition of new Upanishads or the interpolation and amplification of the Epics.]
[Footnote 144: The Hotri recites prayers while other priests perform the act of sacrifice. But there are several poems in the Rig Veda for which even Indian ingenuity has not been able to find a liturgical use.]
[Footnote 145: Thus the Pali Pitakas speak of the Tevijjâ or threefold knowledge of the Brahmans.]
[Footnote 146: Or it may be that the ancestors of the Persians were also in the Panjab and retired westwards.]
[Footnote 147: R.V. v. 3. 1.]
[Footnote 148: See the Gaṇeśâtharvaśîrsha Upan. and Gopinatha Rao. Hindu Iconography, vol. I. pp. 35-67.]
[Footnote 149: See R.V. III. 34. 9. i. 130. 8; iv. 26. 2. vi. 18. 3; iv. 16. 13.]
[Footnote 150: In one singular hymn (R.V. x. 119) Indra describes his sensations after drinking freely, and in the Satapatha Brahmana (V. 5. 4. 9 and XII. 7. 1. 11) he seems to be represented as suffering from his excesses and having to be cured by a special ceremony.]
[Footnote 151: In some passages of the Upanishads he is identified with the âtman (e.g. Kaushitaki Up. III. 8), but then all persons, whether divine or human, are really the âtman if they only knew it.]
[Footnote 152: A.V. IV. 16. 2.]
[Footnote 153: The Indian alphabets are admittedly Semitic in origin.]
[Footnote 154: See Mahâbhâr. I. xvii-xviii and other accounts in the Râmâyaṇa and Purâṇas.]
[Footnote 155: It has also been conjectured that Sk. Asura=Ashur, the God of Assyria, and that Sumeru or Sineru (Meru)=Sumer or Shinar, see J.R.A.S. 1916, pp. 364-5.]
[Footnote 156: Ṛig V. I. 164. 46.]
[Footnote 157: For instance chap. III. of the Chândogya Upanishad, which compares the solar system to a beehive in which the bees are Vedic hymns, is little less than stupendous, though singular and hard for European thought to follow.]
[Footnote 158: I presume that the strong opinion expressed in Caland and Henri's Agnishloma p. 484 that the sacrifice is merely a do ut des operation refers only to the earliest Vedic period and not to the time of the Brâhmaṇas.]
[Footnote 159: Thus both the Vedas and the Tantras devote considerable space to rites which have for object the formation of a new body for the sacrificer. Compare for instance the Aitareya Brâhmaṇa (I. 18-21: II. 35-38: III. 2 and VI. 27-31) with Avalon's account of Nyâsa, in his introduction to the Mahânirvâṇa Tantra pages cvii-cxi.]
[Footnote 160: There is considerable doubt as to what was the plant originally known as Soma. That described in the Vedas and Brâhmanas is said to grow on the mountains and to have a yellow juice of a strong smell, fiery taste and intoxicating properties. The plants used as Haom (Hum) by the modern Parsis of Yezd and Kerman are said to be members of the family Asclepiadaceae (perhaps of the genus Sarcostemma) with fleshy stalks and milky juice, and the Soma tested by Dr Haug at Poona was probably made from another species of the same or an allied genus. He found it extremely nasty, though it had some intoxicating effect. (See his Aitareya Brdh-mana n. p. 489.)]
[Footnote 161: An ordinary sacrifice was offered for a private person who had to be initiated and the priests were merely officiants acting on his behalf. In a Sattra the priests were regarded as the sacrificers and were initiated. It had some analogy to Buddhist and Christian monastic foundations for reading sûtras and saying masses.]
[Footnote 162: The political importance of the Aśvamedha lay in the fact that the victim had to be let loose to roam freely for a year, so that only a king whose territories were sufficiently extensive to allow of its being followed and guarded during its wanderings could hope to sacrifice it at the end.]
[Footnote 163: R.V. x. 136 and x. 190.]
[Footnote 164: Even the Upanishads (e.g. Chând. III. 17, Mahânâr. 64) admit that a good life which includes tapas is the equivalent of sacrifice. But this of course is teaching for the elect only. The Brih.-Âran. Up. (V. ii) contains the remarkable doctrine that sickness and pain, if regarded by the sufferer as tapas, bring the same reward.]
[Footnote 165: So too in the Taittirîya Upanishad tapas is described as the means of attaining the knowledge of Brahman (III. 1-5).]
[Footnote 166: Any ritual without knowledge may be worse than useless. See Chând. Up. I. 10. 11.]
[Footnote 167: See the various narratives in the Chândogya, Br.-Âran. and Kaushîtaki Upanishads. The seventh chapter of the Chândogya relating how Nârada, the learned sage, was instructed by Sanatkumâra or Skanda, the god of war, seems to hint that the active military class may know the great truths of religion better than deeply read priests who may be hampered and blinded by their learning. For Skanda and Nârada in this connection see Bhagavad-gitâ x. 24, 26.]
[Footnote 168: For the necessity of a teacher see Kâth. Up. II. 8.]
[Footnote 169: See especially the bold passage at the end of Taitt. Upan. II. "He who knows the bliss of Brahman ... fears nothing. He does not torment himself by asking what good have I left undone, what evil have I done?">[
[Footnote 170: The word Upanishad probably means sitting down at the feet of a teacher to receive secret instruction: hence a secret conversation or doctrine.]
[Footnote 171: Some allusions in the older Upanishads point to this district rather than the Ganges Valley as the centre of Brahmanic philosophy. Thus the Brịhad-Âraṇyaka speaks familiarly of Gândhâra.]
[Footnote 172: Cat. Adyar Library. The Ṛig and Sâma Vedas have two Upanishads each, the Yajur Veda seven. All the others are described as belonging to the Atharva Veda. They have no real connection with it, but it was possible to add to the literature of the Atharva whereas it was hardly possible to make similar additions to the older Vedas.]
[Footnote 173: Debendranath Tagore composed a work which he called the Brâhmî Upanishad in 1848. See Autobiography, p. 170. The sectarian Upanishads are of doubtful date, but many were written between 400 and 1200 A.D. and were due to the desire of new sects to connect their worship with the Veda. Several are Śaktist (e.g. Kaula, Tripurâ, Devî) and many others show Śaktist influence. They usually advocate the worship of a special deity such as Gaṇeśa, Sûrya, Râma, Nṛi Siṃha.]
[Footnote 174: Br.-Âran. VI. 1, Ait. Âran. II. 4, Kaush. III. 3, Praśna, II. 3, Chând. V. 1. The apologue is curiously like in form to the classical fable of the belly and members.]
[Footnote 175: Br.-Âran. VI. 2, Chând. V. 3]
[Footnote 176: Br.-Âran. II. 1, Kaush. IV. 2.]
[Footnote 177: The composite structure of these works is illustrated very clearly by the Bṛihad-Âraṇyaka. It consists of three sections each concluding with a list of teachers, namely (a) adhyâyas 1 and 2, (b) adh. 3 and 4, (c) adh. 5 and 6. The lists are not quite the same, which indicates some slight difference between the sub-schools which composed the three parts, and a lengthy passage occurs twice in an almost identical form. The Upanishad is clearly composed of two separate collections with the addition of a third which still bears the title of Khila or supplement. The whole work exists in two recensions.]
[Footnote 178: The Eleven translated in the Sacred Books of the East, vols. I and XV, include the oldest and most important.]
[Footnote 179: Thus the Aitareya Brâhmana is followed by the Aitareya Âraṇyaka and that by the Aitareya-Âraṇyaka-Upanishad.]
[Footnote 180: R.V. X. 121. The verses are also found in the Atharva Veda, the Vâjasaneyi, Taittirîya, Maitrâyaṇi, and Kâṭhaka Saṃhitâs and elsewhere.]
[Footnote 181: R.V. X. 129.]
[Footnote 182: IV. 5. 5 and repeated almost verbally II. 4. 5 with some omissions. My quotation is somewhat abbreviated and repetitions are omitted.]
[Footnote 183: The sentiment is perhaps the same as that underlying the words attributed to Florence Nightingale: "I must strive to see only God in my friends and God in my cats.">[
[Footnote 184: It will be observed that he had said previously that the Âtman must be seen, heard, perceived and known. This is an inconsistent use of language.]
[Footnote 185: Chândogya Upanishad VI.]
[Footnote 186: In the language of the Upanishads the Âtman is often called simply Tat or it.]
[Footnote 187: I.e. the difference between clay and pots, etc. made of clay.]
[Footnote 188: Yet the contrary proposition is maintained in this same Upanishad (III. 19. 1), in the Taittirîya Upanishad (II. 8) and elsewhere. The reason of these divergent statements is of course the difficulty of distinguishing pure Being without attributes from not Being.]
[Footnote 189: The word union is a convenient but not wholly accurate term which covers several theories. The Upanishads sometimes speak of the union of the soul with Brahman or its absorption in Brahman (e.g. Maitr. Up. VI. 22, Sâyujyatvam and aśabde nidhanam eti) but the soul is more frequently stated to be Brahman or a part of Brahman and its task is not to effect any act of union but simply to know its own nature. This knowledge is in itself emancipation. The well-known simile which compares the soul to a river flowing into the sea is found in the Upanishads (Chând. VI. 10. 1, Mund. III. 2, Praśna, VI. 5) but Śankara (on Brahma S. I. iv. 21-22) evidently feels uneasy about it. From his point of view the soul is not so much a river as a bay which is the sea, if the landscape can be seen properly.]
[Footnote 190: The Mâṇḍukya Up. calls the fourth state ekâtmapratyayasâra, founded solely on the certainty of its own self and Gauḍapâda says that in it there awakes the eternal which neither dreams nor sleeps. (Kâr. I. 15. See also III. 34 and 36.)]
[Footnote 191: Bṛ.-Âraṇyaka, IV. 3. 33.]
[Footnote 192: Cf. Bradley, Appearance and Reality, p. 244. "The perfect ... means the identity of idea and existence, attended also by pleasure.">[
[Footnote 193: Tait. Up. II. 1-9. See too ib. III. 6.]
[Footnote 194: Bṛ.-Âran. III. 8. 10. See too VI. 2.15, speaking of those who in the forest worship the truth with faith.]
[Footnote 195: Chândog. Up. IV. 10. 5.]
[Footnote 196: It occurs Katha. Up. II. v. 13, 15, also in the Śvetâśvatara and Muṇḍaka Upanishads and there are similar words in the Bhagavad-gîtâ. "This is that" means that the individual soul is the same as Brahman.]
[Footnote 197: The Nṙisiṁhottaratapanîya Up. I. says that Îśvara is swallowed up in the Turîya.]
[Footnote 198: But still ancient and perhaps anterior to the Christian era.]
[Footnote 199: Śvet. Up. VI. 7.]
[Footnote 200: Śvet. Up. IV. 3. Max Müller's translation. The commentary attributed to Śankara explains nîlaḣ pataṅgaḣ as bhramaraḣ but Deussen seems to think it means a bird.]
[Footnote 201: Chând. Up. vi. 14. 1. Śat. Brâh. viii. 1. 4. 10.]
[Footnote 202: The Brahmans are even called low-born as compared with Kshatriyas and in the Ambattha Sutta (Dig. Nik. iii.) the Buddha demonstrates to a Brahman who boasts of his caste that the usages of Hindu society prove that "the Kshatriyas are higher and the Brahmans lower," seeing that the child of a mixed union between the castes is accepted by the Brahmans as one of themselves but not by the Kshatriyas, because he is not of pure descent.]
[Footnote 203: He had learnt the Veda and Upanishads. Brih.-Âr. iv. 2. 1.]
[Footnote 204: Chând. Up. v. 3. 7, Kaush. Up. iv., Brih.-Âr. Up. ii. 1. The Kshatriyas seem to have regarded the doctrine of the two paths which can be taken by the soul after death (devayâna and pitriyâna, the latter involving return to earth and transmigration) as their special property.]
[Footnote 205: Literally set in front, præfectus.]
[Footnote 206: Śat. Brâh. ii. 4. 4. 5.]
[Footnote 207: Śat. Brâh. iv. 1. 4. 1-6.]
[Footnote 208: The legends of Vena, Paraśurâma and others indicate the prevalence of considerable hostility between Brahmans and Kshatriyas at some period.]
[Footnote 209: Brahmacârin, Grihastha, Vanaprastha, Sannyâsin.]
[Footnote 210: Thus in the Bṛih.-Âraṇ. Yajñavalkya retires to the forest. But even the theory of three stages was at this time only in the making, for the last section of the Chândogya Up. expressly authorizes a religious man to spend all his life as a householder after completing his studentship and the account given of the stages in Chând. ii. 21 is not very clear.]
[Footnote 211: Śat. Brâh. xi. 5. 6. 8. Cf. the lists in the Chândogya Upanishad vii. secs. 1, 2 and 7.]
[Footnote 212: In southern India at the present day it is the custom for Brahmans to live as Agnihotris and maintain the sacred fire for a few days after their marriage.]
[Footnote 213: See Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, vol. v. s.v.]
[Footnote 214: The Emperor Jehangir writing about 1616 implies that the Aśramas, which he describes, were observed by the Brahmans of that time. See his Memoirs, edited by Beveridge, pp. 357-359.]
[Footnote 215: Śat. Brâh. I. 7. 2. 1. Cf. Tait. Brâh. VI. 3. 10. 5.]
[Footnote 216: Such as those built by Jânaśruti Pautrâyaṇa. See Chând. Up. IV. 1.]
[Footnote 217: Śat. Brâh. XI. 4. 1. 1.]
[Footnote 218: Śat. Brâh. ii. 2. 2. 6 and iv. 3. 4. 4.]
[Footnote 219: Śat. Brâh. iv. 3. 4. 2.]
[Footnote 220: Vishnu Pur. iii. 5.]
[Footnote 221: Śat. Brâh. iii. 8. 2. 24. Yâjñavalkya is the principal authority cited in books i-v and x-xiv of this Brâhmaṇa, but not in books vi-ix, which perhaps represent an earlier treatise incorporated in the text.]
[Footnote 222: Or "in confidence." Śat. Brâh. xi. 3. 1. 4.]
[Footnote 223: Brih.-Âr. iii. 2. 13.]
[Footnote 224: In the Pali Pitaka the Buddha is represented as preaching in the land of the Kurus.]
[Footnote 225: These are the Pali forms. The Sanskrit equivalents are Parivrâjaka and Śramaṇa.]
[Footnote 226: See for instance Mahâv. II. 1 and III. 1.]
[Footnote 227: Dig. Nik. 1.]
[Footnote 228: See O. Schrader, Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahâvîras und Buddhas, 1902.
See also Ang. Nik. vol. III. p. 276 and Rhys Davids' Dialogues of the Buddha, I. pp. 220 ff. But these passages give one an impression of the multitude of ascetic confraternities rather than a clear idea of their different views.]
[Footnote 229: It finds expression in two hymns of the Atharva Veda, XIX. 53 and 54. Cf. too Gauḍap. Kâr. 8. Kâlât prasûtim bhutânâm manyante kâlacintakâh.]
[Footnote 230: Dîgha Nikâya II. The opinions of the six teachers are quoted as being answers to a question put to them by King Ajâtasattu, namely, What is gained by renouncing the world? Judged as such, they are irrelevant but they probably represent current statements as to the doctrine of each sect. The six teachers are also mentioned in several other passages of the Dîgha and Maj. Nikâyas and also in the Sutta-Nipâta. It is clear that at a very early period the list of their names had become the usual formula for summarizing the teaching prevalent in the time of Gotama which was neither Brahmanic nor Buddhist.]
[Footnote 231: Dig. Nik. I. 23-28.]
[Footnote 232: A rather defiant materialism preaching, "Let us eat and drink for to-morrow we die," crops up in India in various ages though never very prominent.]
[Footnote 233: But possibly the ascetics described by it were only Digambara Jains.]
[Footnote 234: See especially the article Âjîvikas by Hoernle, in Hastings' Dictionary of Religion. Also Hoernle, Uvâsagadasao, appendix, pp. 1-29. Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, pp. 249 ff. Schrader, Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahâvíras und Buddhas, p. 32. Sûtrakritânga II. 6.]
[Footnote 235: Makkhali lived some time with Mahâvira, but they quarrelled. But his followers, though they may not have been a united body so much as other sects, had definite characteristics.]
[Footnote 236: E.g. Śat. Brâh. v. 4. 4. 13. "He thus encloses the Vaiśya and Śûdra on both sides by the priesthood and nobility and makes them submissive.">[
[Footnote 237: See Śânkhâyana Âraṇyaka. Trans. Keith, pp. viii-xi, 78 85. Also Aitareya Âraṇ. book v.]
[Footnote 238: Cf. the ritual for the Horse sacrifice. ['Sat]. Brâh, xiii. 2. 8, and Hillebrandt, Vedische Opfer., p. 152.]
[Footnote 239: Supplemented by the Kauśika Sûtra, which, whatever its age may be, has preserved a record of very ancient usages.]
[Footnote 240: E.g. I. 10. This hymn, like many others, seems to combine several moral and intellectual stages, the level at which the combination was possible not being very high. On the one hand Varuṇa is the Lord of Law and of Truth who punishes moral offences with dropsy. On the other, the sorcerer "releases" the patient from Varuṇa by charms, without imposing any moral penance, and offers the god a thousand other men, provided that this particular victim is released.]
[Footnote 241: E.g. VII. 116, VI. 105, VI. 83.]
[Footnote 242: E.g. V. 7, XI. 9.]
[Footnote 243: E.g. V. 4, XIX. 39, IV. 37, II. 8, XIX. 34, VIII. 7.]
[Footnote 244: A.V XI. 6.]
[Footnote 245: See, for instance, Du Bose, The Dragon, Image and Demon, 1887, pp. 320-344.]
[Footnote 246: Aṭânâṭiya and Mahâsamaya. Dig. Nik. XX. and XXXII.]
[Footnote 247: See Crooke's Popular Religion of Northern India, vol. II. chap. ii.]
[Footnote 248: In the Brahma-Jala and subsequent suttas of the Dîgha Nikâya.]
[Footnote 249: See Rhys Davids' Dialogues of the Buddha, vol. I. p. 7, note 4, and authorities there quoted.]
[Footnote 250: Krishna is perhaps mentioned in the Chând. Up. III. 17. 6, but in any case not as a deity.]
[Footnote 251: See, besides the translations mentioned below, Bühler, Ueber die indische Secte der Jainas 1887; Hoernle, Metaphysics and Ethics of the Jainas 1908; and Guérinot, Essai de Bibliographie Jaina and Répertoire d'Épigraphie Jaina; Jagmanderlal Jaini, Outlines of Jainism; Jacobi's article Jainism in E.R.E.. Much information may also be found in Mrs Stevenson's Heart of Jainism. Winternitz, Geschichte d. Indischen Literatur, vol. II. part II. (1920) treats of Jain literature but I have not been able to see it.]
[Footnote 252: In J.R.A.S. 1917, pp. 122-130 s.v. Venkateśvara argues that Vardhamâna died about 437 B.C. and that the Nigaṇṭhas of the Pitakas were followers of Parśva. His arguments deserve consideration but he seems not to lay sufficient emphasis on the facts that (a) according to the Buddhist scriptures the Buddha and Gosâla were contemporaries, while according to the Jain scriptures Gosâla and Vardhamâna were contemporaries, (b) in the Buddhist scriptures Nâtaputta is the representative of the Nigaṇṭhas, while according to the Jain scriptures Vardhamâna was of the Ñata clan.]
[Footnote 253: The atoms are either simple or compound and from their combinations are produced the four elements, earth, wind, fire and water, and the whole material universe. For a clear statement of the modern Jain doctrine about dharma and adharma, see Jagmanderlal Jaini, l.c. pp. 22 ff.]
[Footnote 254: Jîva, ajîva, âsrava, bandha, saṃvara, nirjarâ, moksha. The principles are sometimes made nine by the addition of punya, merit, and pâpa, sin.]
[Footnote 255: Paudgalikam karma. It would seem that all these ideas about Karma should be taken in a literal and material sense. Karma, which is a specially subtle form of matter able to enter, stain and weigh down the soul, is of eight kinds (1 and 2) jñâna- and darśana-varanîya impede knowledge and faith, which the soul naturally possesses; (3) mohanîya causes delusion; (4) vedanîya brings pleasure and pain; (5) ayushka fixes the length of life; (6) nâma furnishes individual characteristics, and (7) gotra generic; (8) antarâya hinders the development of good qualities.]
[Footnote 256: Kevalam also called Jñâna, moksha, nirvâṇa. The nirvâṇa of the Jains is clearly not incompatible with the continuance of intelligence and knowledge.]
[Footnote 257: Uttarâdhyâyana XXXVI. 64-68 in S.B.E. XLV. pp. 212-213.]
[Footnote 258: S.B.E. XLV. p. xxvii. Bhandarkar Report for 1883-4, pp. 95 ff.]
[Footnote 259: Somewhat similar seems to be the relation of Jainism to the Vaiśeshika philosophy. It accepted an early form of the atomic theory and this theory was subsequently elaborated in the philosophy whose founder Kaṇâda was according to the Jains a pupil of a Jain ascetic.]
[Footnote 260: E.g. see Acarânga S. I. 7. 6.]
[Footnote 261: They seem to have authority to formulate it in a form suitable to the needs of the age. Thus we are told that Parśva enjoined four vows but Mahâvîra five.]
[Footnote 262: When Gotama after attaining Buddhahood was on his way to Benares he met Upaka, a naked ascetic, to whom he declared that he was the Supreme Buddha. Then, said Upaka, you profess to be the Jina, and Gotama replied that he did, "Tasmâ 'ham Upakâ jinoti." (Mahâvag. I. 6. 10.)]
[Footnote 263: The exact period is 100 billion sâgaras of years. A sâgara is 100,000,000,000 palyas. A palya is the period in which a well a mile deep filled with fine hairs can be emptied if one hair is withdrawn every hundred years.]
[Footnote 264: See M. Bloomfield, Life and Stories of Pârçvanâtha (1919).]
[Footnote 265: See the discussions between followers of Parśva and Mahâvîra given in Uttarâdhyâyana XXIV. and Sûtrakritânga II. 7.]
[Footnote 266: There are many references to the Nigaṇṭhas in the Buddhist scriptures and the Buddha, while by no means accepting their views, treats them with tolerance. Thus he bade Siha, General of the Licchavis, who became his disciple after being an adherent of Nâtaputta to continue to give alms as before to Nigaṇṭha ascetics (Mahâvag. VI. 32).]
[Footnote 267: Especially among the Âjîvikas. Their leader Gosâla had a personal quarrel with Mahâvîra but his teaching was almost identical except that he was a fatalist.]
[Footnote 268: Uttarâdhyâyana. XXIII. 29.]
[Footnote 269: According to Śvetâmbara tradition there was a great schism 609 years after Mahâvîra's death. The canon was not fixed until 904 (? 454 A.D.) of the same era. The Digambara traditions are different but appear to be later.]
[Footnote 270: See especially Guérinot, Répertoire d'Éipigraphie Jaina]
[Footnote 271: So Bühler, Pillar Edict no. VIII. Senart Inscrip. de Piyadasi II. 97 translates somewhat differently, but the reference to the Jains is not disputed.]
[Footnote 272: Rock Edict VI.]
[Footnote 273: Rice (Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, 1909, p. 310) thinks that certain inscriptions at Sravana Belgola in Mysore establish that this tradition is true and also that the expedition was accompanied by King Candragupta who had abdicated and become a Jain ascetic. But this interpretation has been much criticised. It is probably true that a migration occurred and increased the differences which ultimately led to the division into Śvetâmbaras and Digambaras.]
[Footnote 274: Guérinot, Épig. Jaina, no. 11.]
[Footnote 275: Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, 1909, pp. 113-114, 207-208.]
[Footnote 276: Similar tolerance is attested by inscriptions (e.g. Guérinot, nos. 522 and 5776) recording donations to both Jain and Saiva temples.]
[Footnote 277: They also make a regular practice of collecting and rearing young animals which the owners throw away or wish to kill.]
[Footnote 278: Or Sthânakavâsi. See for them Census of India, 1911, 1. p. 127 and Baroda, p. 93. The sect waa founded about A.D. 1653.]
[Footnote 279: Their names are as follows in Jain Prakrit, the Sanskrit equivalent being given in bracketa:

1. *Âyârângasuttam (Âcârânga).
2.*Sûyagadangam (Sûtrakṛitângam).
3. Thânangam (Sthâ.).
4. Samavâyangam.
5. Viyâhapaññatti (Vyâkhyâprajnâpti). This work is commonly known as the Bhagavatî.
6. Ñâyâdhammakahâo (Jñâtadharmakathâ).
7. *Uvâsagadasao (Upâsakadasâh).
8. *Antagadadasao (Antakritad.).
9. *Anuttarovavâidasâo (Anuttaraupapâtikad.).
10. Panhâvâgaranâim (Prasnavyakaraṇâni).
11. Vivâgasuyam (Vipâkasrutam).

The books marked with an asterisk have been translated by Jacobi (S.B.E. vols. XXII. and XIV.), Hoernle and Barnett. See too Weber, Indischie Studien, Bd. XVI. pp. 211-479 and Bd. XVIII. pp. 1-90.]
[Footnote 280: It is called Ârsha or Ardha-Mâgadhi and is the literary form of the vernacular of Berar in the early centuries of the Christian era. See H. Jacobi, Ausgewählte Erzählungen in Maharashtri, and introduction to edition of Ayarânga-sutta.]
[Footnote 281: The titles given in note 2 illustrate aome of its peculiarities.]
[Footnote 282: When I visited Sravana Belgola in 1910, the head of the Jains there, who professed to be a Digambara, though dressed in purple raiment, informed me that their sacred works were partly in Sanskrit and partly in Prakrit. He showed me a book called Trilokasâra.]
[Footnote 283: But see Jagmanderlal Jaini, l.c. appendix V.]
[Footnote 284: Compare for instance Uttarâdyayana X., XXIII. and XXV. with the Sutta-Nipâta and Dhammapada.]
[Footnote 285: I have only visited establishments in towns. Possibly Yatis who follow a severer rule may be found in the country, especially among Digambaras.]
[Footnote 286: In Gujarat they are called Cho-mukhji and it is said that when a Tîrthankara preached in the midst of his audience each side saw him facing them. In Burma the four figures are generally said to be the last four Buddhas.]
[Footnote 287: This seems clear from the presence in Burma of the curvilinear sikra and even of copies of Indian temples, e.g. of Bodh-Gaya at Pagan. Burmese pilgrims to Gaya might easily have visited Mt Parasnath on their way.]
[Footnote 288: I have this information from the Jain Guru at Sravana Belgola. He said that Gomateśvara (who seems unknown to the Śvetâmbaras) waa a Kevalin but not a Tîrthankara.]
[Footnote 289: Two others, rather smaller, are known, one at Karkâl (dated 1431) and one at Yannur. These images are honoured at occasional festivals (one was held at Sravana Belgola in 1910) attended by a considerable concourse of Jains. The type of the statues is not Buddhist. They are nude and represent sages meditating in a standing position whereas Buddhists prescribe a sitting posture for meditation.]
[Footnote 290: The mountain of Satrunjaya rises above Palitâna, the capital of a native state in Gujarat. Other collections of temples are found on the hill of Parasnath in Bengal, at Sonâgir near Datiâ, and Muktagiri near Gâwîlgarh. There are also a good many on the hills above Rajgîr.]
[Footnote 291: The strength of Buddhism in Burma and Siam is no doubt largely due to the fact that custom obliges every one to spend part of his life—if only a few days—as a member of the order.]
[Footnote 292: One might perhaps add to this list the Skoptsy of Russia and the Armenian colonies in many European and Asiatic towns.]
[Footnote 293: Throughout this book I have not hesitated to make use of the many excellent translations of Pali works which have been published. Students of Indian religion need hardly be reminded how much our knowledge of Pali writings and of early Buddhism owes to the labours of Professor and Mrs Rhys Davids.]
[Footnote 294: Sanskrit Sûtra, Pali Sutta. But the use of the words is not quite the same in Buddhist and Brahmanic literature. A Buddhist sutta or sûtra is a discourse, whether in Pali or in Sanskrit; a Brahmanic sûtra is an aphorism. But the 227 divisions of the Pâtimokkha are called Suttas, so that the word may have been originally used in Pali to denote short statements of a single point. The longer Suttas are often called Suttanta.]
[Footnote 295: E.g. Maj. Nik. 123 about the marvels attending the birth of a Buddha.]
[Footnote 296: See some further remarks on this subject at the end of chap. XIII. (on the Canon).]
[Footnote 297: Also Sakya or Sakka. The Sanskrit form is Śâkya.]
[Footnote 298: See among other passages the Ambaṭṭha Sutta of the Dîgha Nikâya in which Ambattha relates how he saw the Sâkyas, old and young, sitting on grand seats in this hall.]
[Footnote 299: But in Cullavagga VII. 1 Bhaddiya, a cousin of the Buddha who is described as being the Râjâ at that time, says when thinking of renouncing the world "Wait whilst I hand over the kingdom to my sons and my brothers," which seems to imply that the kingdom was a family possession. Rajja perhaps means Consulship in the Roman sense rather than kingdom.]
[Footnote 300: E.g. the Sonadaṇḍa and Kûṭadanta Suttas of the Dîgha Nikâya.]
[Footnote 301: Sanskrit Kapilavastu: red place or red earth.]
[Footnote 302: Tradition is unanimous that he died in his eightieth year and hitherto it has been generally supposed that this was about 487 B.C., so that he would have been born a little before 560. But Vincent Smith now thinks that he died about 543 B.C. See J.R.A.S. 1918, p. 547. He was certainly contemporary with kings Bimbisâra and Ajâtasattu, dying in the reign of the latter. His date therefore depends on the chronology of the Śaisunâga and Nanda dynasties, for which new data are now available.]
[Footnote 303: It was some time before the word came to mean definitely the Buddha. In Udâna 1.5, which is not a very early work, a number of disciples including Devadatta are described as being all Buddhâ.]
[Footnote 304: The Chinese translators render this word by Ju-lai (he who has come thus). As they were in touch with the best Indian tradition, this translation seems to prove that Tathâgata is equivalent to Tathâ-âgata not to Tâtha-gata and the meaning must be, he who has come in the proper manner; a holy man who conforms to a type and is one in a series of Buddhas or Jinas.]
[Footnote 305: See the article on the neighbouring country of Magadha in Macdonell and Keith's Vedic Index.]
[Footnote 306: Cf. the Ratthapâla-sutta.]
[Footnote 307: Mahâv. I. 54. 1.]
[Footnote 308: Devadûtavagga. Ang. Nik. III. 35.]
[Footnote 309: But the story is found in the Mahâpadâna-sutta. See also Winternitz, J.R.A.S. 1911, p. 1146.]
[Footnote 310: He mentions that he had three palaces or houses, for the hot, cold and rainy seasons respectively, but this is not necessarily regal for the same words are used of Yasa, the son of a Treasurer (Mahâv. 1. 7. 1) and Anuruddha, a Sâkyan noble (Cullav. VII. 1. 1).]
[Footnote 311: In the Sonadaṇḍa-sutta and elsewhere.]
[Footnote 312: The Pabbajjâ-sutta.]
[Footnote 313: Maj. Nik. Ariyapariyesana-sutta. It is found in substantially the same form in the Mahâsaccaka-sutta and the Bodhirâjakumâra-sutta.]
[Footnote 314: The teaching of Alâra Kâlâma led to rebirth in the sphere called akiñcañ-ñâyatanam or the sphere in which nothing at all is specially present to the mind and that of Uddaka Râmaputta to rebirth in the sphere where neither any idea nor the absence of any idea is specially present to the mind. These expressions occur elsewhere (e.g. in the Mahâparinibbâna-sutta) as names of stages in meditation or of incorporeal worlds (arûpabrahmâloka) where those states prevail. Some mysterious utterances of Uddaka are preserved in Sam. Nik. XXXV. 103.]
[Footnote 315: Underhill, Introd. to Mysticism, p. 387.]
[Footnote 316: Sam. Nik. XXXVI. 19.]
[Footnote 317: The Lalita Vistara says Alâra lived at Vesâlî and Uddaka in Magadha.]
[Footnote 318: The following account is based on Maj. Nik. suttas 85 and 26. Compare the beginning of the Mahâvagga of the Vinaya.]
[Footnote 319: Maj. Nik. 12. See too Dig. Nik. 8.]
[Footnote 320: If this discourse is regarded as giving in substance Gotama's own version of his experiences, it need not be supposed to mean much more than that his good angel (in European language) bade him not take his own life. But the argument represented as appealing to him was that if spirits sustained him with supernatural nourishment, entire abstinence from food would be a useless pretence.]
[Footnote 321: The remarkable figures known as "fasting Buddhas" in Lahore Museum and elsewhere represent Gotama in this condition and show very plainly the falling in of the belly.]
[Footnote 322: Âsava. The word appears to mean literally an intoxicating essence. See e.g. Vinaya, vol. IV. p. 110 (Rhys Davids and Oldenburg's ed.). Cf. the use of the word in Sanskrit.
[Footnote 323: Nâparam itthattâyâti. Itthattam is a substantive formed from ittham thus. It was at this time too that he thought out the chain of causation.]
[Footnote 324: Tradition states that it was on this occasion that he uttered the well-known stanzas now found in the Dhammapada 154-5 (cf. Theragâthâ 183) in which he exults in having, after long search in repeated births, found the maker of the house. "Now, O maker of the house thou art seen: no more shalt thou make a house." The lines which follow are hard to translate. The ridge-pole of the house has been destroyed (visankhitaṃ more literally de-com-posed) and so the mind passes beyond the sankhâras (visankhâragataṃ). The play of words in visankhitaṃ and visankhâra can hardly be rendered in English.]
[Footnote 325: As Rhys Davids observes, this expression means "to found the Kingdom of Righteousness" but the metaphor is to make the wheels of the chariot of righteousness move unopposed over all the Earth.]
[Footnote 326: At the modern Sarnath.]
[Footnote 327: It is from this point that he begins to use this title in speaking of himself.]
[Footnote 328: Similar heavenly messages were often received by Christian mystics and were probably true as subjective experiences. Thus Suso was visited one Whitsunday by a heavenly messenger who bade him cease his mortifications.]
[Footnote 329: It is the Pipal tree or Ficus religiosa, as is mentioned in the Dîgha Nikâya, XIV. 30, not the Banyan. Its leaves have long points and tremble continually. Popular fancy says this is in memory of the tremendous struggle which they witnessed.]
[Footnote 330: Such are the Padhâna-sutta of the Sutta-Nipâta which has an air of antiquity and the tales in the Mahâvagga of the Saṃyutta-Nikâya. The Mahâvagga of the Vinaya (I. 11 and 13) mentions such an encounter but places it considerably later after the conversion of the five monks and of Yasa.]
[Footnote 331: The text is also found in the Saṃyutta-Nikâya.]
[Footnote 332: Concisely stated as suffering, the cause of suffering, the suppression of suffering and the method of effecting that suppression.]
[Footnote 333: Writers on Buddhism use this word in various forms, arhat, arahat and arahant. Perhaps it is best to use the Sanskrit form arhat just as karma and nirvana are commonly used instead of the Pali equivalents.]
[Footnote 334: I.15-20.]
[Footnote 335: Brahmayoni. I make this suggestion about grass fires because I have myself watched them from this point.]
[Footnote 336: This meal, the only solid one in the day, was taken a little before midday.]
[Footnote 337: I. 53-54.]
[Footnote 338: His father.]
[Footnote 339: I.e. the Buddha's former wife.]
[Footnote 340: Half brother of the Buddha and Suddhodana'a son by Mahâprajâpatî.]
[Footnote 341: Jâtaka, 356.]
[Footnote 342: Mahâvag. III. 1.]
[Footnote 343: Thus we hear how Dasama of Atthakam (Maj. Nik. 52) built one for fifteen hundred monks, and Ghotamukha another in Pataliputta, which bore his name.]
[Footnote 344: Maj. Nik. 53.]
[Footnote 345: Cullavag. VI. 4.]
[Footnote 346: Probably sheds consisting of a roof set on posts, but without walls.]
[Footnote 347: Translated by Rhys Davids, American Lectures, pp. 108 ff.]
[Footnote 348: E.g. Maj. Nik. 62.]
[Footnote 349: But in Maj. Nik. II. 5 he says he is not bound by rules as to eating.]
[Footnote 350: Maj. Nik. 147.]
[Footnote 351: In an exceedingly curious passage (Dig. Nik. IV.) the Brahman Sonadaṇḍa, while accepting the Buddha's teaching, asks to be excused from showing the Buddha such extreme marks of respect as rising from his seat or dismounting from his chariot, on the ground that his reputation would suffer. He proposes and apparently is allowed to substitute less demonstrative salutations.]
[Footnote 352: Cullavagga V. 21 and Maj. Nik. 85.]
[Footnote 353: Visâkhâ, a lady of noted piety. It was probably a raised garden planted with trees.]
[Footnote 354: Maj. Nik. 110.]
[Footnote 355: Dig. Nik. No. 2. Compare Jâtaka 150, which shows how much variation was permitted in the words ascribed to the Buddha.]
[Footnote 356: Sam. Nik. XLII. 7.]
[Footnote 357: Mahâparinib-sutta, 6. 20. The monk Subhadda, in whose mouth these words are put, was apparently not the person of the same name who was the last convert made by the Buddha when dying.]
[Footnote 358: His personal name was Upatissa.]
[Footnote 359: This position was also held, previously no doubt, by Sagata.]
[Footnote 360: Mahavâg. X. 2. Compare the singular anecdote in VI. 22 where the Buddha quite unjustifiably suspects a Doctor of making an indelicate joke. The story seems to admit that the Buddha might be wrong and also that he was sometimes treated with want of respect.]
[Footnote 361: VII. 2 ff.]
[Footnote 362: The introductions to Jâtakas 26 and 150 say that Ajâtasattu built a great monastery for him at Gayâsîsa.]
[Footnote 363: The Buddha says so himself (Dig. Nik. II.) but does not mention the method.]
[Footnote 364: The Dhamma-sangaṇī defines courtesy as being of two kinds: hospitality and considerateness in matters of doctrine.]
[Footnote 365: Maj. Nik. 75.]
[Footnote 366: Mahāv. vi. 31. 11.]
[Footnote 367: Cullavag. x. 1. 3.]
[Footnote 368: Mahâparinib. V. 23. Perhaps the Buddha was supposed to be giving Ânanda last warnings about his besetting weakness.]
[Footnote 369: Udâna 1. 8.]
[Footnote 370: Compare too the language of Angela of Foligno (1248-1309) "By God's will there died my mother who was a great hindrance unto me in following the way of God: my husband died likewise and all my children. And because I had commenced to follow the aforesaid way and had prayed God that he would rid me of them, I had great consolation of their deaths, although I did also feel some grief." Beatae Angelae de Fulginio Visionum et Instructionum Liber. Cap. ix.]
[Footnote 371: No account of this event has yet been found in the earliest texts but it is no doubt historical. The versions found in the Jâtaka and Commentaries trace it back to a quarrel about a marriage, but the story is not very clear or consistent and the real motive was probably that indicated above.]
[Footnote 372: See Rhys Davids, Dialogues, II. p. 70 and Przyluski's articles (in J.A. 1918 ff.) Le Parinirvana et les funérailles du Bouddha where the Pali texts are compared with the Mûlasarvâstivâdin Vinaya and with other accounts.]
[Footnote 373: This was probably written after Pâṭaliputra had become a great city but we do not know when its rise commenced.]
[Footnote 374: She was a noted character in Vesâlî. In Mahâvag. viii. 1, people are represented as saying that it was through her the place was so flourishing and that it would be a good thing if there were some one like her in Râjagaha.]
[Footnote 375: The whole passage is interesting as displaying even in the Pali Canon the germs of the idea that the Buddha is an eternal spirit only partially manifested in the limits of human life. In the Mahâparinib.-sutta Gotama is only voluntarily subject to natural death.]
[Footnote 376: The phrase occurs again in the Sutta-Nipâta. Its meaning is not clear to me.]
[Footnote 377: The text seems to represent him as crossing first a streamlet and then the river.]
[Footnote 378: It is not said how much time elapsed between the meal at Cunda's and the arrival at Kusinârâ but since it was his last meal, he probably arrived the same afternoon.]
[Footnote 379: Cf. Lyall's poem, on a Rajput Chief of the Old School, who when nearing his end has to leave his pleasure garden in order that he may die in the ancestral castle.]
[Footnote 380: Dig. Nik. 17 and Jâtaka 95.]
[Footnote 381: It is said that this discipline was efficacious and that Channa became an Arhat.]
[Footnote 382: It is difficult to find a translation of these words which is both accurate and natural in the mouth of a dying man. The Pali text vayadhammâ saṅkhârâ (transitory-by-nature are the Saṅkhâras) is brief and simple but any correct and adequate rendering sounds metaphysical and is dramatically inappropriate. Perhaps the rendering "All compound things must decompose" expresses the Buddha's meaning best. But the verbal antithesis between compound and decomposing is not in the original and though saṅkhâra is etymologically the equivalent of confection or synthesis it hardly means what we call a compound thing as opposed to a simple thing.]
[Footnote 383: The Buddha before his death had explained that the corpse of a Buddha should be treated like the corpse of a universal monarch. It should be wrapped in layers of new cloth and laid in an iron vessel of oil. Then it should be burnt and a Dagoba should be erected at four cross roads.]
[Footnote 384: The Mallas had two capitals, Kusinârâ and Pâvâ, corresponding to two subdivisions of the tribe.]
[Footnote 385: Theragâthâ 557 ff. Water to refresh tired and dusty feet is commonly offered to anyone who comes from a distance.]
[Footnote 386: Mahâvag. VIII. 26.]
[Footnote 387: E.g. Therîgâthâ 133 ff. It should also be remembered that orientals, particularly Chinese and Japanese, find Christ's behaviour to his mother as related in the gospels very strange.]
[Footnote 388: E.g. Roja, the Malta, in Mahâvag. VI. 36 and the account of the interview with the Five Monks in the Nidânakathâ (Rhys Davids, Budd. Birth Stories, p. 112).]
[Footnote 389: E.g. Maj. Nik. 36.]
[Footnote 390: Dig. Nik. XVII. and V.]
[Footnote 391: Maj. Nik. 57.]
[Footnote 392: Mahâparib. Sutta, I. 61.]
[Footnote 393: The earliest sources for these legends are the Mahâvastu, the Sanskrit Vinayas (preserved in Chinese translations), the Lalita Vistara, the Introduction to the Jâtaka and the Buddha-carita. For Burmese, Sinhalese, Tibetan and Chinese lives of the Buddha, see the works of Bigandet, Hardy, Rockhill and Schiefner, Wieger and Beal. See also Foucher, Liste indienne des actes du Buddha and Hackin, Scènes de la Vie du Buddha d'après des peintures tibétaines.]
[Footnote 394: It was the full moon of the month Vaiśâkha.]
[Footnote 395: The best known of the later biographies of the Buddha, such as the Lalita Vistara and the Buddha-carita of Aśvaghosha stop short after the Enlightenment.]
[Footnote 396: There are some curious coincidences of detail between the Buddha and Confucius. Both disliked talking about prodigies (Analects. V11. 20) Confucius concealed nothing from his disciples (ib. 23), just as the Buddha had no "closed fist," but he would not discuss the condition of the dead (Anal. xi. 11), just as the Buddha held it unprofitable to discuss the fate of the saint after death. Neither had any great opinion of the spirits worshipped in their respective countries.]
[Footnote 397: Maj. Nik. 143.]
[Footnote 398: The miraculous cure of Suppiyâ (Mahâvag. VI. 23) is no exception. She was ill not because of the effects of Karma but because, according to the legend, she had cut off a piece of her flesh to cure a sick monk who required meat broth. The Buddha healed her.]
[Footnote 399: The most human and kindly portrait of the Buddha is that furnished by the Commentary on the Thera- and Therî-gâthâ. See Thera-gâthâ xxx, xxxi and Mrs Rhys Davids' trans. of Therî-gâthâ, pp. 71, 79.]
[Footnote 400: John xvii. 9. But he prayed for his executioners.]
[Footnote 401: John vii. 19-20.]
[Footnote 402: See chap. VIII. of this book.]
[Footnote 403: Cullavag, IX, I. IV.]
[Footnote 404: Sam. Nik. LVI. 31.]
[Footnote 405: Udâna VI. 4. The story is that a king bade a number of blind men examine an elephant and describe its shape. Some touched the legs, some the tusks, some the tail and so on and gave descriptions accordingly, but none had any idea of the general shape.]
[Footnote 406: Or "determined.">[
[Footnote 407: Or form: rûpa.]
[Footnote 408: The word Jiva, sometimes translated soul, is not equivalent to âtman. It seems to be a general expression for all the immaterial side of a human being. It is laid down (Dig. Nik. VI. and VII.) that it is fruitless to speculate whether the Jiva is distinct from the body or not.]
[Footnote 409: Saññâ like many technical Buddhist terms is difficult to render adequately, because it does not cover the same ground as any one English word. Its essential meaning is recognition by a mark. When we perceive a blue thing we recognize it as blue and as like other blue things that we have marked. See Mrs Rhys Davids, Dhamma-Sangaṇi, p. 8.]
[Footnote 410: The Saṃyutta-Nikâya XXII. 79. 8 states that the Sankhâras are so-called because they compose what is compound (sankhatam).]
[Footnote 411: Maj. Nik. 44.]
[Footnote 412: In this sense Sankhâra has also some affinity to the Sanskrit use of Saṃskâra to mean a sacramental rite. It is the essential nature of such a rite to produce a special effect. So too the Sankhâras present in one existence inevitably produce their effect in the next existence. For Sankhâra see also the long note by S.Z. Aung at the end of the Compendium of Philosophy (P.T.S. 1910).]
[Footnote 413: The use of this word for Viññâṇa is, I believe, due to Mrs Rhys Davids.]
[Footnote 414: See especially Maj. Nik. 38.]
[Footnote 415: Pali, Khanda. But it has become the custom to use the Sanskrit term. Cf. Karma, nirvâna.]
[Footnote 416: See Sam. Nik. XII. 62. For parallels to this view in modern times see William James, Text Book of Psychology, especially pp. 203, 215, 216.]
[Footnote 417: Cf. Milinda Panha II. 1. 1 and also the dialogue between the king of Sauvîra and the Brahman in Vishnu Pur. II. XIII.]
[Footnote 418: Vis. Mag. chap. XVI. quoted by Warren, Buddhism in Translations, p. 146. Also it is admitted that viññâṇa cannot be disentangled and sharply distinguished from feeling and sensation. See passages quoted in Mrs Rhys Davids, Buddhist Psychology, pp. 52-54.]
[Footnote 419: Sam. Nik. XXII. 22. 1.]
[Footnote 420: With reference to a teacher dhamma is the doctrine which he preaches. With reference to a disciple, it may often be equivalent to duty. Cf. the Sanskrit expressions: sva-dharma, one's own duty; para-dharma, the duty of another person or caste.]
[Footnote 421: Dhamma-s. 1044-5.]
[Footnote 422: II. 3. 8.]
[Footnote 423: Dig. Nik. XI. 85.]
[Footnote 424: Name and form is the Buddhist equivalent for subject and object or mind and body.]
[Footnote 425: Mrs Rhys Davids, Buddhist Psychology, p. 39.]
[Footnote 426: Sam. Nik. xxxv. 93.]
[Footnote 427: The same formula is repeated for the other senses.]
[Footnote 428: See Maj. Nik. 36 for his own experiences and Dig. Nik. 2. 93-96.]
[Footnote 429: In Dig. Nik. xxiii. Pâyâsi maintains the thesis, regarded as most unusual (sec. 5), that there is no world but this and no such things as rebirth and karma. He is confuted not by the Buddha but by Kassapa. His arguments are that dead friends whom he has asked to bring him news of the next world have not done so and that experiments performed on criminals do not support the idea that a soul leaves the body at death. Kassapa's reply is chiefly based on analogies of doubtful value but also on the affirmation that those who have cultivated their spiritual faculties have intuitive knowledge of rebirth and other worlds. But Pâyâsi did not draw any distinction between rebirth and immortality as understood in Europe. He was a simple materialist.]
[Footnote 430: The more mythological parts of the Pitakas make it plain that the early Buddhists were not materialists in the modern sense. It is also said that there are formless worlds in which there is thought, but no form or matter.]
[Footnote 431: See too the story of Godhika's death. Sam. Nik. I. iv. 3 and Buddhaghosa on Dhammap. 57.]
[Footnote 432: No. 38 called the Mahâtaṇhâsankhaya-suttam.]
[Footnote 433: See too Dig. Nik. n. 63, "If Viññâṇa did not descend into the womb, would body and mind be constituted there?" and Sam. Nik. xii. 12. 3, "Viññâṇa food is the condition for bringing about rebirth in the future.">[
[Footnote 434: Uppajjati is the usual word.]
[Footnote 435: Ariyasaccâni. Rhys Davids translates the phrase as Aryan truths and the word Ariya in old Pali appears not to have lost its national or tribal sense, e.g. Dig. Nik. n. 87 Ariyam âyatanam the Aryan sphere (of influence). But was a religious teacher preaching a doctrine of salvation open to all men likely to describe its most fundamental and universal truths by an adjective implying pride of race?]
[Footnote 436: In Maj. Nik. 44 the word dukkha is replaced by sakkâya, individuality, which is apparently regarded as equivalent in meaning. So for instance the Noble Eightfold path is described as sakkâya-nirodha-gâminî patipadâ.]
[Footnote 437: Theragâthâ 487-493, and Puggala Pañ. iv. 1.]
[Footnote 438: But it has not been proved so far as I know.]
[Footnote 439: Sam. Nik. XV. 3.]
[Footnote 440: Buddhist works sometimes insist on the impurity of human physical life in a way which seems morbid and disagreeable. But this view is not exclusively Buddhist or Asiatic. It is found in Marcus Aurelius and perhaps finds its strongest expression in the De Contemptu Mundi of Pope Innocent III (in Pat. Lat. ccxvii. cols. 701-746).]
[Footnote 441: As a general rule suicide is strictly forbidden (see the third Pârâjika and Milinda, iv. 13 and 14) for in most cases it is not a passionless renunciation of the world but rather a passionate and irritable protest against difficulties which simply lays up bad karma in the next life. Yet cases such as that of Godhika (see Buddhaghosa on the Dhammapada, 57) seem to imply that it is unobjectionable if performed not out of irritation but by one who having already obtained mental release is troubled by disease.]
[Footnote 442: Pali Paticca-samuppâda. Sanskrit Pratîtya-samutpâda.]
[Footnote 443: Sam. Nik. xii. 10.]
[Footnote 444: Dig. Nik. XV.]
[Footnote 445: "Contact comes from consciousness: sensation from contact: craving from sensation: the sankhâras from craving: consciousness from the sankhâras: contact from consciousness" and so on ad infinitum. See Mil. Pan. 51.]
[Footnote 446: Dig. Nik. XV.]
[Footnote 447: Sam. Nik. XII. 53. Cf. too the previous sutta 51. In the Abhidhamma Pitaka and later scholastic works we find as a development of the law of causation the theory of relations (paccaya) or system of correlation (paṭṭhâna-nayo). According to this theory phenomena are not thought of merely in the simple relation of cause and effect. One phenomenon can be the assistant agency (upakâraka) of another phenomenon in 24 modes. See Mrs Rhys Davids' article Relations in E.R.E.]
[Footnote 448: Mrs Rhys Davids, Dhamma-sangaṇi, pref. p. lii. "The sensory process is analysed in each case into (a) an apparatus capable of reaching to an impact not itself: (b) an impinging form (rûpam): (c) contact between (a) and (b): (d) resultant modification of the mental continuum, viz. first, contact of a specific sort, then hedonistic result or intellectual result or presumably both.">[
[Footnote 449: See e.g. Maj. Nik. 38.]
[Footnote 450: This does not mean that the same name-and-form plus consciousness which dies in one existence reappears in another.]
[Footnote 451: Maj. Nik. 120 Sankhâruppatti sutta.]
[Footnote 452: He should make it a continual mental exercise to think of the rebirth which he desires.]
[Footnote 453: So too in the Sânkhya philosophy the samskâras are said to pass from one human existence to another. They may also remain dormant for several existences and then become active.]
[Footnote 454: Maj. Nik. 9 Sammâdiṭṭhi sutta.]
[Footnote 455: Sam. Nik. xxii. 126.]
[Footnote 456: Mahâvag. i. 23. 4 and 5:]
Ye dhammâ hetuppabhavâ tesam hetum Tathâgato Âha tesañca yo nirodho evamvâdi Mahâsamano ti.
The passage is remarkable because it insists that this is the principal and essential doctrine of Gotama. Compare too the definition of the Dhamma put in the Buddha's own mouth in Majjhima, 79: Dhammam te desessâmi: imasmim sati, idam hoti: imass' uppâdâ idaṃ upajjhati, etc.]
[Footnote 457: The Sânkhya might be described as teaching a law of evolution, but that is not the way it is described in its own manuals.]
[Footnote 458: Take among hundreds of instances the account of the Buddha's funeral.]
[Footnote 459: The Anguttara Nikâya, book iv. chap. 77, forbids speculation on four subjects as likely to bring madness and trouble. Two of the four are kamma-vipâko and loka-cintâ. An attempt to make the chain of causation into a cosmic law would involve just this sort of speculation.]
[Footnote 460: The Pitakas insist that causation applies to mental as well as physical phenomena.]
[Footnote 461: Sam. Nik. xii. 35.]
[Footnote 462: Vis. Mag. xvii. Warren, p. 175.]
[Footnote 463: See Waddell, J.R.A.S. 1894, pp. 367-384: Rhys Davids, Amer. Lectures, pp. 155-160.]
[Footnote 464: Sam. Nik. XII. 61. See too Theragâthâ, verses 125 and 1111, and for other illustrative quotations Mrs Rhys Davids, Buddhist Psychology, pp. 34, 35.]
[Footnote 465: But see Maj. Nik. 79, for the idea that there is something beyond happiness.]
[Footnote 466: Dig. Nik. 22.]
[Footnote 467: Sutta-Nipâta, 787.]
[Footnote 468: Padhânam. But in later Buddhism we also find the idea that nirvana is something which comes only when we do not struggle for it.]
[Footnote 469: Mettâ, corresponding exactly to the Greek [Greek: agapei] of the New Testament.]
[Footnote 470: III. 7. The translation is abbreviated.]
[Footnote 471: More literally, "All the occasions which can be used for doing good works.">[
[Footnote 472: Sutta-Nipâta, 1-8, S.B.E. vol. X. p. 25 and see also Ang. Nik. IV. 190 which says that love leads to rebirth in the higher heavens and Sam. Nik. XX. 4 to the effect that a little love is better than great gifts. Also Questions of Milinda, 4. 4. 16.]
[Footnote 473: Ang. Nik. 1. 2. 4.]
[Footnote 474: Cf. too Mahâvag. VIII. 22 where a monk is not blamed for giving the property of the order to his parents.]
[Footnote 475: Sati is the Sanskrit Smriti.]
[Footnote 476: Dhammap. 160.]
[Footnote 477: Bhag-gîtâ, 3. 27.]
[Footnote 478: Vishnu Pur. II. 13. The ancient Egyptians also, though for quite different reasons, did not accept our ideas of personality. For them man was not an individual unity but a compound consisting of the body and of several immaterial parts called for want of a better word souls, the ka, the ba, the sekhem, etc., which after death continue to exist independently.]
[Footnote 479: Ueber den Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahâvîras und Buddhas, 1902. And On the problem of Nirvana in Journal of Pali Text Society, 1905. See too Sam. Nik. XXII. 15-17.]
[Footnote 480: Maj. Nik. 22.]
[Footnote 481: Compare also the sermon on the burden and the bearer and Sam Nik. XXII. 15-17. It is admitted that Nirvana is not dukkha and not aniccam and it seems to be implied it is not anattam.]
[Footnote 482: See the argument with Yamaka in Sam. Nik. XXII. 85.]
[Footnote 483: See Sam. Nik. III., XXII. 97.]
[Footnote 484: Also paññâkkhandha or vijjâ.]
[Footnote 485: Dig. Nik. II.]
[Footnote 486: These exercises are hardly possible for the laity.]
[Footnote 487: See chap. XIV. for details.]
[Footnote 488: Sanskrit Nirvâṇa: Pali Nibbâna.]
[Footnote 489: Maj. Nik. 26.]
[Footnote 490: E.g. the words addressed to Buddha, nibbutâ nûna sâ narî yassâyam îdiso pati. Happy is the woman who has such a husband. In the Anguttara Nikâya, III. 55 the Brahman Jâṇussoṇi asks Buddha what is meant by Sanditthikam nibbâṇam, that is nirvâṇa which is visible or belongs to this world. The reply is that it is effected by the destruction of lust, hatred and stupidity and it is described as akâlikam, ehipassikam opanayikam, paccattam veditabbam viññûhi--difficult words which occur elsewhere as epithets of Dhamma and apparently mean immediate, inviting (it says "come and see"), leading to salvation, to be known by all who can understand. For some views as to the derivation of nibbana, nibbuto, etc. see J.P.T.S. 1919, pp. 53 ff. But the word nirvâṇa occurs frequently in the Mahâbhârata and was probably borrowed by the Buddhists from the Brahmans.]
[Footnote 491: Or sa-upâdi.]
[Footnote 492: But parinirvâṇa is not always rigidly distinguished from nirvâṇa, e.g. Sutta Nipâta, 358. And in Cullavag. VI. 4. 4 the Buddha describes himself as Brâhmaṇo parinibbuto. Parinibbuto is even used of a horse in Maj. Nik. 65 ad fin.]
[Footnote 493: Sam. Nik. XXII. 1. 18.]
[Footnote 494: Vimuttisukham and brahmacariyogadham sukham.]
[Footnote 495: Maj. Nik. 139, cf. also Ang. Nik. II. 7 where various kinds of sukham or happiness are enumerated, and we hear of nekkhammasukham nirupadhis, upekkhâs, arûparamanam sukham, etc.]
[Footnote 496: E.g. Maj. Nik. 9 Ditthe dhamme dukkhass' antakaro hoti.]
[Footnote 497: Ang. Nik. V. xxxii.]
[Footnote 498: Maj. Nik. 79.]
[Footnote 499: Asankhatadhâtu, cf. the expression asankhâraparinibbâyî. Pugg. Pan. l. 44.]
[Footnote 500: Tabulated in Mrs Rhys Davids' translation, pp. 367-9.]
[Footnote 501: Such a phrase as Nibbâṇassa sacchikiriyâya "for the attainment or realization of Nirvana" would be hardly possible if Nirvana were annihilation.]
[Footnote 502: Udâna VII. near beginning.]
[Footnote 503: These are the formless stages of meditation. In Nirvana there is neither any ordinary form of existence nor even the forms of existence with which we become acquainted in trances.]
[Footnote 504: This negative form of expression is very congenial to Hindus. Thus many centuries later Kabir sung "With God is no rainy season, no ocean, no sunshine, no shade: no creation and no destruction: no life nor death: no sorrow nor joy is felt .... There is no water, wind, nor fire. The True Guru is there contained.">[
[Footnote 505: IV. 7. 13 ff.]
[Footnote 506: See also Book VII. of the Milinda containing a long list of similes illustrating the qualities necessary for the attainment of arhatship. Thirty qualities of arhatship are mentioned in Book VI. of the same work. See also Mahâparinib. Sut. III. 65-60 and Rhys Davids' note.]
[Footnote 507: E.g. Dig. Nik. xvi. ii. 7, Cullavag. ix. 1. 4.]
[Footnote 508: E.g. Pugg. Pan. 1. 39. The ten fetters are (1) sakkâyadiṭṭhi, belief in the existence of the self, (2) vicikicchâ, doubt, (3) silabbataparamâso, trust in ceremonies of good works, (4) kâmarâgo, lust, (5) paṭigho, anger, (6) rûparâgo, desire for rebirth in worlds of form, (7) arûparâgo, desire for rebirth in formless worlds, (8) mano, pride, (9) uddhaccam, self-righteousness, (10) avijjâ, ignorance.]
[Footnote 509: There is some diversity of doctrine about the Sakadâgâmin. Some hold that he has two births, because he comes back to the world of men after having been born once meanwhile in a heaven, others that he has only one birth either on earth or in a devaloka.]
[Footnote 510: Avyâkatani. The Buddha, being omniscient, sabaññu, must have known the answer but did not declare it, perhaps because language was incapable of expressing it]
[Footnote 511: Jiva not attâ. ]
[Footnote 512: Maj. Nik. 63.]
[Footnote 513: Sam. Nik. xvii. 85.]
[Footnote 514: Maj. Nik. 72.]
[Footnote 515: Which is said not to grow up again.]
[Footnote 516: It may be that the Buddha had in his mind the idea that a flame which goes out returns to the primitive invisible state of fire. This view is advocated by Schrader (Jour. Pali Text Soc. 1905, p. 167). The passages which he cites seem to me to show that there was supposed to be such an invisible store from which fire is born but to be less conclusive as proving that fire which goes out is supposed to return to that store, though the quotation from the Maitreyi Up. points in this direction. For the metaphor of the flame see also Sutta-Nipâta, verses 1074-6.]
[Footnote 517: XLIV. 1.]
[Footnote 518: Maj. Nik. 9, ad init. Asmîti diṭṭhim ânânusayam samûhanitvâ.]
[Footnote 519: See especially Sutta-Nipâta, 1076 Atthan gatassa na pamâṇam atthi, etc.]
[Footnote 520: Sam. Nik. XXII. 85.]
[Footnote 521: Maj. Nik. 22, Alagaddûpama-suttam.]
[Footnote 522: Later in the same Sutta: Kevalo paripûro bâladhammo.]
[Footnote 523: Four emphatic synonyms in the original.]
[Footnote 524: Dig. Nik. I. 73 uccinna-bhava-nettiko.]
[Footnote 525: I recommend the reader to consider carefully the passage at the end of Book IV. of Schopenhauer's Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung (Haldane and Kemp's translation, vol. I. pp. 529-530). Though he evidently misunderstood what he calls "the Nirvana of the Buddhists" yet his own thought throws much light on it.]
[Footnote 526: Sk. Bhikshu, beggar or mendicant, because they live on alms. Bhikshâcaryam occurs in Brihad-Âr. Up. III. 5. I.]
[Footnote 527: Mahâvag. I. 49, cf. ib. I. 39.]
[Footnote 528: Dig. Nik. VIII.]
[Footnote 529: Cullavag. I. 1. 3.]
[Footnote 530: Sam. Nik. XIV. 15. 12, Ang. Nik. I. xiv.]
[Footnote 531: Mahâvag. III. 12.]
[Footnote 532: Or the opinion of single persons, e.g. Visâkhâ in Mahâvag. III. 13.]
[Footnote 533: Acârângasut, II. 2. 2.]
[Footnote 534: Mahâv. I. 42.]
[Footnote 535: But converted robbers were occasionally admitted, e.g. Angulimâla.]
[Footnote 536: Sam. Nik. IV. XXXV., Maj. Nik. 8 ad fin. On the value attached by mystics in all countries to trees and flowers, see Underhill, Mysticism, p. 231.]
[Footnote 537: They are abstinence from (1) destroying life, (2) stealing, (3) impurity, (4) lying, (5) intoxicants, (6) eating at forbidden times, (7) dancing, music and theatres, (8) garlands, perfumes, ornaments, (9) high or large beds, (10) accepting gold or silver.]
[Footnote 538: These are practically equivalent to Sundays, being the new moon, full moon and the eighth days from the new and full moon. In Tibet however the 14th, 15th, 29th and 30th of each month are observed.]
[Footnote 539: Mahâvag. II. 1-2.]
[Footnote 540: Chap. VIII. Sec. 3.]
[Footnote 541: Required not so much to purify water as to prevent the accidental destruction of insects.]
[Footnote 542: It might begin either the day after the full moon of Asâlha (June-July) or a month later. In either case the period was three months. Mahâvag. III. 2.]
[Footnote 543: Cullavag. X. 1.]
[Footnote 544: See the papers by Mrs Bode in J.R.A.S. 1893, pp. 517-66 and 763-98, and Mrs Rhys Davids in Ninth Congress of Orientalists, vol. I. p. 344.]
[Footnote 545: Feminine Upâsikâ.]
[Footnote 546: Sutta-Nipâta, 289.]
[Footnote 547: E.g. Mahâmangala and Dhammika-Sutta in Sut. Nip. II. 4 and 14.]
[Footnote 548: Dig. Nik. 31.]
[Footnote 549: It may seem superfluous to insist on this, yet Warren in his Buddhism in Translations uniformly renders Bhikkhu by priest.]
[Footnote 550: The same idea occurs in the Upanishads, e.g. Brih.-Âr. Up. IV. 4. 23, "he becomes a true Brahman.">[
[Footnote 551: Especially in R.O. Franke's article in the J.P.T.S. 1908. To demonstrate the "literary dependence" of chapters XI., XII. of the Cullavagga does not seem to me equivalent to demonstrating that the narratives contained in those chapters are "air-bubbles.">[
[Footnote 552: The mantras of the Brahmans were hardly a sacred book analogous to the Bible or Koran and, besides, the early Buddhists would not have wished to imitate them.]
[Footnote 553: E.g. Dig. Nik. XVI.]
[Footnote 554: Cullav. XI. i. 11.]
[Footnote 555: Especially in Chinese works.]
[Footnote 556: Upâli, Dasaka, Sonaka, Siggava (with whom the name of Candravajji is sometimes coupled) and Tissa Moggaliputta. This is the list given in the Dîpavaṃsa.]
[Footnote 557: Sam. Nik. XVI. 11. The whole section is called Kassapa Saṃyutta.]
[Footnote 558: They are to be found chiefly in Cullavagga, XII., Dîpavaṃsa, IV. and V. and Mahâvaṃsa, IV.]
[Footnote 559: The Dîpavaṃsa adds that all the principal monks present had seen the Buddha. They must therefore all have been considerably over a hundred years old so that the chronology is open to grave doubt. It would be easier if we could suppose the meeting was held a hundred years after the enlightenment.]
[Footnote 560: They are said to have rejected the Parivâra, the Paṭisambhidâ, the Niddesa and parts of the Jâtaka. These are all later parts of the Canon and if the word rejection were taken literally it would imply that the Mahâsangîti was late too. But perhaps all that is meant is that the books were not found in their Canon. Chinese sources (e.g. Fa Hsien, tr. Legge, p. 99) state that they had an Abhidhamma of their own.]
[Footnote 561: Buddhist Records of the Western World, vol. II. pp. 164-5; Watters, Yüan Chwang, pp. 159-161.]
[Footnote 562: Cap. XXXVI. Legge, p. 98.]
[Footnote 563: See I-tsing's Records of the Buddhist Religion, trans. by Takakusu, p. XX. and Nanjio's Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripitaka, nos. 1199, 1105 and 1159.]
[Footnote 564: An exception ought perhaps to be made for the Japanese sects.]
[Footnote 565: The names are not quite the same in the various lists and it seems useless to discuss them in detail. See Dîpavaṃsa, V. 39-48, Mahâvaṃsa, V. ad in., Rhys Davids, J.R.A.S. 1891, p. 411, Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, chap, VI., Geiger, Trans. of Mahâvaṃsa, App. B.]
[Footnote 566: The Hemavatikas, Râjagirikas, Siddhattas, Pubbaselikas, Aparaselikas and Apararâjagirikas.]
[Footnote 567: Published in the J.P.T.S. 1889. Trans, by S.Z. Aung and Mrs Rhys Davids, 1915. The text mentions doctrines only. The names of the sects supposed to hold them are supplied by the commentary.]
[Footnote 568: They must not be confused with the four philosophic schools Vaibhâshika, Sautrântika, Yogâcâra and Mâdhyamika. These came into existence later.]
[Footnote 569: But the Vetulyakas were important in Ceylon.]
[Footnote 570: See Paramârtha's Life of Vasabandhu, Toung Pao, 1904, p. 290.]
[Footnote 571: See Rhys Davids in J.R.A.S. 1892, pp. 8-9. The name is variously spelt. The P.T.S. print Sammitiya, but the Sanskrit text of the Madhyamakavritti (in Bibl. Buddh.) has Sâmmitîya. Sanskrit dictionaries give Sammatîya. The Abhidharma section of the Chinese Tripitaka (Nanjio, 1272) contains a śâstra belonging to this school. Nanjio, 1139 is apparently their Vinaya.]
[Footnote 572: Kern (Versl. en Med. der K. Akad. van Wetenschappen Letterk. 4. R.D. VIII. 1907, pp. 312-319, cf. J.R.A.S. 1907, p. 432) suggested on the authority of Kashgarian MSS. that the expression Vailpulya sûtra is a misreading for Vaitulya sûtra, a sûtra of the Vetulyakas. Ânanda was sometimes identified with the phantom who represented the Buddha.]
[Footnote 573: It is remarkable that this view, though condemned by the Kathâ-vatthu, is countenanced by the Khuddaka-pâṭha.]
[Footnote 574: The Kathâ-vatthu constantly cites the Nikâyas.]
[Footnote 575: Pali Sabbatthivâdins.]
[Footnote 576: Cf. the doctrine of the Sânkhya. For more about the Sarvâstivâdins see below, Book IV. chap. XXII.]
[Footnote 577: See especially Le Nord-Ouest de L'Inde dans le Vinaya des Mûlasarvâstivâdins by Przyluski in J.A. 1914, II. pp. 492 ff.]
[Footnote 578: See articles by Fleet in J.R.A.S. of 1903, 1904, 1908-1911 and 1914: Hultzsch in J.R.A.S. 1910-11: Thomas in J.A. 1910: S. Lévi, J.A. 1911.]
[Footnote 579: Asoka's statement is confirmed (if it needs confirmation) by the Chinese pilgrim I-ching who saw in India statues of him in monastic costume.]
[Footnote 580: For a bibliography of the literature about these inscriptions see Vincent Smith, Early History of India, 3rd ed. 1914, pp. 172-4.]
[Footnote 581: The dialect is not strictly speaking the same in all the inscriptions.]
[Footnote 582: Piyadassi, Sanskrit Priyadarsin. The Dîpavaṃsa, VI. 1 and 14, calls Asoka Piyadassi and Piyadassana. The name Asoka has hitherto only been found in one edict discovered at Hyderabad, J.R.A.S. 1916, p. 573.]
[Footnote 583: The principal single edicts are (1) that known as Minor Rock Edict I. found in four recensions, (2) The Bhâbrû (or Bhâbrâ) Edict of great importance for the Buddhist scriptures, (3) Two Kalinga Edicts, (4) Edicts about schism, found at Sarnath and elsewhere, (4) Commemorative inscriptions in the Terâi, (5) Dedications of caves.]
[Footnote 584: Asoka came to the throne about 270 B.C. (268 or 272 according to various authorities) but was not crowned until four years later. Events are generally dated by the year after his coronation (abhisheka), not after his accession.]
[Footnote 585: I must confess that Law of Piety (Vincent Smith) does not seem to me very idiomatic.]
[Footnote 586: See Senart, Inscrip. de Piyadassi, II. pp. 314 ff.]
[Footnote 587: The Second Minor Rock Edict.]
[Footnote 588: Râjûka and pradesika.]
[Footnote 589: I.e. Syria, Egypt, Macedonia, Cyrene and Epirus.]
[Footnote 590: Kingdoms in the south of India.]
[Footnote 591: The inhabitants of the extreme north-west of India, not necessarily Greeks by race.]
[Footnote 592: Possibly Tibet.]
[Footnote 593: Or Nâbhapamtis. In any case unknown.]
[Footnote 594: All these appear to have been tribes of Central India.]
[Footnote 595: Dîpav. VIII.; Mahâv. XII.]
[Footnote 596: Pillar Edict VI.]
[Footnote 597: Perhaps meant to be equivalent to 251 B.C. Vincent Smith rejects this date and thinks that the Council met in the last ten years of Asoka's reign. But the Sinhalese account is reasonable. Asoka was very pious but very tolerant. Ten years of this regime may well have led to the abuse complained of.]
[Footnote 598: Jâtaka, no. 472.]
[Footnote 599: See for instance the Life of Hsüan Chuang; Beal, p. 39; Julien, p. 50.]
[Footnote 600: I consider it possible, though by no means proved, that the Abhidhamma was put together in Ceylon.]
[Footnote 601: For the Burmese Canon see chap. XXVI. Even if the Burmese had Pali scriptures which did not come from Ceylon, they sought to harmonize them with the texts known there.]
[Footnote 602: Pali Tipiṭaka.]
[Footnote 603: So in Maj. Nik. xxi. a man who proposes to excavate comes Kuddalapiṭakam âdâya, "With spade and basket.">[
[Footnote 604: The list of the Vinaya books is:

Pârâjikam } together constituting the Sutta-vibhanga.
Pacittiyam}
Mahâvagga } together constituting the Khandakas.
Cullavagga}
Parivâra-pâṭha: a supplement and index. This book was rejected by some schools.

Something is known of the Vinaya of the Sarvâstivâdins existing in a Chinese translation and in fragments of the Sanskrit original found in Central Asia. It also consists of the Pâtimokkha embedded in a commentary called Vibhâga and of two treatises describing the foundation of the order and its statutes. They are called Kshudrakavastu and Vinayavastu. In these works the narrative and anecdotal element is larger than in the Pali Vinaya. See also my remarks on the Mahâvastu under the Mahayanist Canon. For some details about the Dharmagupta Vinaya, see J.A. 1916, ii. p. 20: for a longish extract from the Mülasarv. Vinaya, J.A. 1914, ii. pp. 493-522.]
[Footnote 605: I find it hard to accept Francke's view that the Dîgha should be regarded as the Book of the Tathâgata, deliberately composed to expound the doctrine of Buddhahood. Many of the suttas do not deal with the Tathâgata.]
[Footnote 606: The Saṃyutta quotes by name a passage from the Dîgha as "spoken by the Lord": compare Sam. Nik. XXII. 4 with Dig. Nik. 21. Both the Anguttara and Saṃyutta quote the last two cantos of the Sutta-Nipâta.]
[Footnote 607: It appears that the canonical book of the Jâtaka consists only of verses and does not include explanatory prose matter. Something similar to these collections of verses which are not fully intelligible without a commentary explaining the occasions on which they were uttered may be seen in Chândogya Up. VI. The father's answers are given but the son's questions which render them intelligible are not found in the text but are supplied in the commentary.]
[Footnote 608: The following ia a table of the Sutta Pitaka:

I. Dîgha-Nikâya }
II. Majjhima-Nikâya } Collections of discourses mostly attributed to the
III. Samyutta-Nikâya } Buddha.
IV. Anguttara-Nikâya }
V. Khuddaka-Nikâya: a collection of comparatively short treatises, mostly in poetry, namely:
1. Dhammapada.
2. Udâna } Utterances of the Buddha with explanations of the
3. Itivuttakam } attendant circumstances.
4. Khuddaka-pâtha: a short anthology.
5. Sutta-nipâta: a collection of suttas mostly in verse.
*6. Thera-gâthâ: poems by monks.
*7. Therî-gâthâ: poems by nuns.
8. Niddesa: an old commentary on the latter half of the Sutta-nipâta, ascribed to Sâriputta.
*9. The Jâtaka verses.
10. Paṭisambhidâ.
*11. Apadâna.
*12. Buddha-vaṃsa.
*13. Vimâna-vatthu.
*14. Peta-vatthu.
*15. Cariyâ-piṭaka.

The works marked * are not found in the Siamese edition of the Tripiṭaka but the Burmese editions include four other texts, the Milinda-pañha, Petakopadesa, Suttassanigaha, and Nettipakaraṇa.
The Khuddaka-Nikâya seems to have been wanting in the Pitaka of the Sarvâstivâdins or whatever sect supplied the originals from which the Chinese Canon was translated, for this Canon classes the Dhammapada as a miscellaneous work outside the Sutta Pitaka. Fragments of the Sutta-nipâta have been found in Turkestan but it is not clear to what Pitaka it was considered to belong. For mentions of the Khuddaka-Nikâya in Chinese see J.A. 1916, pp. 32-3.]
[Footnote 609: See J.R.A.S. 1891, p. 560. See too Journal P.T.S. 1919, p. 44. Lexicographical notes.]
[Footnote 610: Mrs Rhys Davids' Translations of the Dhamma-sangaṇi give a good idea of these books.]
[Footnote 611: The works comprised in this Pitaka are: