“Why should they? It simply gives them a quick connection with tide-water, and reduced transportation charges means lower prices.”
“How will prices be regulated?” was the Governor's query.
“As they always have been,” replied the Senator brusquely. “Supply and demand—”
“And by combinations called trusts,” added the Governor. “Cannot some provision be made by which the Company will pay a yearly rental? It will reduce the burden of taxation just so much.”
“Perhaps if you recommend it, some attention will be given it, but I should not care to prejudice my political standing by endorsing such an amendment.”
“I will consider the question carefully,” said Quincy, wearily, as he laid down the bill, and Senator Downing departed.
The next bill was what was called “a labour measure.” It gave members of trade unions a right demanded by them, called “peaceful picketing;” in other words, during a strike, the right to use argument, persuasion, in fact any rightful inducement to keep a non-union man from working for the “struck” firm or corporation. The bill had been passed by a majority of 48 in the House, and by the narrow margin of one vote in the Senate. A tie had been expected when the President of the Senate, who was a prominent manufacturer was counted upon to kill the bill. If the Governor vetoed it, the Senate would probably sustain the veto, throwing the greater responsibility upon him, each member voting against the bill sheltering himself behind the veto. Thus do partisans play politics with the head of their party. While he was reading the bill the lieutenant-governor was ushered in again.
“Downing has been talking with me about his bill. He says you are going to veto it.”
“I did not say so. I asked him his reasons for turning over public property for private use and gain, and he did not seem well-prepared to answer me.”
Mr. Evans replied, “The best reason, to my mind is, that the heaviest tax payers, members of our party, are all in favour of the bill.”