The Makers and Teachers of Judaism / From the Fall of Jerusalem to the Death of Herod the Great

by Charles Foster Kent

[Sidenote: I Macc. 1:54-58] On the twenty-fifth day of Chislev, in the one hundred and forty-fifth year, they built an abomination of desolation upon the altar; and in the cities of Judah on every side they built idol altars. And at the doors of the houses and in the streets they burnt incense. And tearing in pieces the books of the law which they found, they set fire to them. And wherever a book of the covenant was found in the possession of anyone, or if anyone obeyed the law, the king's decree sentenced him to death. Thus they did in their might month by month to the Israelites who were found in the cities.

[Sidenote: I Macc. 1:59-63] And on the twenty-fifth day of the month they sacrificed upon the idol altar which was upon Jehovah's sacrificial altar. And the women who had circumcised their children they put to death according to the command. And they hanged their babies about their necks, and destroyed their households with those who had circumcised them. But many in Israel made strong resolutions not to eat unclean things, choosing to die that they might not be defiled with the meats, and might not profane the holy covenant. So they died. And exceedingly great woe came upon Israel.

I. Character and Contents of I Maccabees. The first book of Maccabees is in many ways the best history that has come down from ancient Israel. Luther's conclusion that it was more deserving of a place in the Old Testament canon than, for example, the book of Esther is now being widely accepted both in theory and practice. The religious spirit in which it is written, the importance of the events with which it deals, and the faithfulness with which they are recorded, all confirm this conclusion. It is the work of a devoted patriot, who appears to have been personally acquainted with the events which he records. He was an ardent admirer of Judas Maccabeus, and may well have been one of the many valiant Jews who rallied about this sturdy champion. The author was familiar with the early histories of his race, for he has adopted many of the phrases peculiar to the books of Samuel and Kings. His idioms leave no doubt that he wrote in Hebrew, although this version has been lost.

The first book of Maccabees opens with a brief reference to Alexander the Great and to the Greek rulers who succeeded him. The detailed history, however, begins with Antiochus Epiphanes and continues to the death of Simon in 135 B.C. The references in the prologue to the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem by Simon's son, John Hyrcanus, between 135 and 125 B.C., and the absence of any allusions to the more important events in the latter part of his reign, indicate that his history was probably completed by 125 B.C. It was written, therefore, less than half a century after all the events which it records took place. While the author is a true patriot and keenly interested in the history of his race, he does not allow his patriotism to carry him into exaggeration. He reveals the true historical spirit and a splendid reserve in recounting the epoch-making events that he records.

II. Character and Contents of II Maccabees. In marked contrast with I Maccabees is the second book which bears this name. The author states in 2:19-32 that it was based on an earlier five-volume history written by Jason, of Cyrene, in northern Africa. The final epitomizer of this earlier work probably lived not long after 50 B.C. Jason himself appears to have lived somewhere between 160 and 140 B.C. and to have written from northern Syria. The language of the original was evidently Greek. The aim of the author was didactic rather than historical, and he drew freely from popular tradition. In general character it corresponds closely to the work of the Chronicler, who compiled the Old Testament books of Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah. The miraculous element is prominent, numbers are frequently enlarged, and Israel's disasters are minimized. Notwithstanding all of its obvious faults, II Maccabees has preserved many important historical facts. Where its testimony differs from that of I Maccabees, the latter in general should be followed, but its account of the events which led to the Maccabean uprising are much more detailed than those of I Maccabees, which it supplements at many important points. With the aid of these two histories it is possible to gain a remarkably vivid and detailed conception of the half-century that witnessed the reawakening of Judaism and the birth of a new national spirit.

III. Aggressive Character of Hellenic Culture. Jewish life and religion were at times almost uprooted, but never fundamentally transformed by the Babylonian and Persian conquerors. Alexander, however, and those who followed in his wake introduced an entirely new and aggressive force into the life and thought of Palestine. The centuries that began with 332 B.C. witnessed the most important struggle that the world has ever seen. It was fought not on the open battle-field, but wherever in Palestine and the lands of the dispersion the currents of that ancient life and commerce met and mingled. It was the age-long conflict between Hellenism and Judaism, those two mighty forces that had long been maturing in the coast lands of the northern and eastern Mediterranean. The outcome of this contest was destined to affect the civilization and faith of all the world throughout the ages.

Judaism represented the life and faith of a peasant people, while Hellenism was born in the city. Wherever Hellenism went, it found expression in civic life. The heathen races of Palestine, the Phoenicians and Philistines on the coast, and the east-Jordan peoples readily welcomed the superior civilization of the conquerors. It appealed powerfully to their intellectual, social, and aesthetic sense, and, in the debased form that it assumed in the East, to their passions. Even the Samaritans readily accepted it; and the city of Samaria was settled by a colony of Macedonian soldiers. The ancient cities of Gaza, Askelon, Accho under the name of Ptolemais, Tyre, Sidon, Damascus, Bethshean under its new name Scythopolis, Rabbath-ammon under the name of Philadelphia, and most of the important east-Jordan cities were soon transformed into active centres of Hellenic culture. Civic pride and patriotism took possession of their inhabitants. Most of the cities had a senate and magistrates elected each year by popular vote. Many of them were adorned by magnificent public buildings, including a forum, theatre, stadium, hippodrome, and gymnasium. Civic patriotism took the place of the old despotism and selfish individualism. Each Hellenic city gave to its citizens new ideals and opportunities. The discussions of the forum, the agora, and the gymnasium inspired them with political, social, and intellectual interests. The plays in the theatres, the races in the hippodrome and stadium amazed and fascinated them. Many of the youths were enlisted in the clubs that were formed in connection with the gymnasium, and all classes participated in the public festivities.

IV. Contrast Between Hellenism and Judaism. In the broad perspective of history it is clear that both Hellenism and Judaism were essential to the upbuilding and broadening of the human character and ideals. Hellenism in its nobler form brought what Judaism lacked, and Judaism was fitted to correct the evils and fatal weaknesses of Hellenism. Ben Sira vaguely recognized this, and sought to reconcile these two types of civilization; but in the second century B.C. men were chiefly aware of the glaring contrasts. Compared with the splendor of the life in the Greek cities that of the orthodox Jews seemed crude and barbarous. The intense horror with which the Jews viewed every form of idolatry led them to reject all forms of art. Their hatred of sensuality and immorality led them to regard with aversion the sports and exercises of the gymnasium and the attendant licentiousness. The practical teachers of Israel looked with suspicion upon the subtleties of the different Greek philosophical schools. On the other hand, the homely, domestic joys of the average Jew and his intense devotion to the service of the temple and to the faith of his fathers seemed contemptible to those familiar with the brilliant, voluptuous life of the Hellenic cities. Hellenism protested against the narrowness, barrenness, and intolerance of Judaism; Judaism protested against the godlessness and immorality of Hellenism. Both were right in their protests, and yet each in a sense needed the other.

V. Apostasy of the Jews and the Perfidy of the High Priests. At the beginning of the second century B.C. the Judean state was closely encircled by a ring of Hellenic cities and subjected on every side to the seductions of that debased Greek culture which had taken firm root in the soil of Palestine. As was almost inevitable, many of the Jewish youth yielded to its attractions. Distaste for the narrowness and austere customs of their fathers begat in their minds a growing contempt for their race and its religion. Even some of the younger priests forsook the temple for the gymnasium. Unconsciously but surely Judaism was drifting from its old moorings toward Hellenism, until the perfidy of its high priests and the persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes aroused it to a full realization of its peril. The apostates in Jerusalem found a leader in Jeshua, who had assumed the Greek name of Jason. He was the brother of Onias III, the reigning high priest, and had been sent to represent him at the Syrian court. There he improved the opportunity by promising greater tribute to secure his appointment as high priest. He was soon outbid, however, by a certain renegade named Menelaus, who with the aid of Syrian soldiers drove Jason from Jerusalem and took his place as head of the hellenizing party. The first cause, therefore, of the Maccabean struggle was the apostasy of certain of the Jews themselves. Apparently in large numbers they abandoned the traditions of their race, and assumed the Greek garb and customs, thus leading their Syrian rulers to believe that the hellenizing of the entire race would be comparatively easy.

VI. Character of Antiochus Epiphanes. The ruler who by his injustice and persecutions fanned the smouldering flame of Jewish patriotism into a mighty conflagration was Antiochus Epiphanes. As a youth he had been educated at Rome with the profligate sons of those who ruled the Imperial City. The Greek and Roman historians, especially Polybius, give vivid portraits of this tyrannical king. In him the prevailing passion for Hellenism found extreme expression. To dazzle his contemporaries by the splendor of his building enterprises and by his dramatic display was his chief ambition. In gratifying thus his selfish ambition he drained the resources of his kingdom, and was therefore obliged to resort to extreme measures to replenish his treasury. In 170 B.C. he made a successful campaign into Egypt. Two years later he again invaded the rich land of the Nile, only to find himself confronted by a Roman general, who peremptorily ordered him to retreat. Rome was already the chief power in the eastern Mediterranean, and Antiochus, although in a rage, wisely decided to retire. It was at this inopportune moment that he found Jerusalem in revolt, misled by a false report and by the renegade high priest Jason. Antiochus not only improved this opportunity to loot the temple and slay many of the inhabitants, but from this time on conceived a bitter antipathy to the Jewish race. This antipathy he shared in common with all the Greek world, for already, as a result of the peculiar religion and customs of the Jews and their success in commercial pursuits, that which is known to-day as the anti-Semitic spirit was fully developed. One of Antiochus's chief ambitions was also to hellenize all his subjects, and the Jews alone offered opposition to the realization of this ambition. Hence they could expect no mercy at the hands of this selfish, capricious despot.