For the other extreme—the extreme right—we must look to Germany. In 1878 Pastors Stöcker and Todt founded the Christian Social Working Men’s Party, which, despite its title, drew most of its recruits from the middle classes. Later on Stöcker became Court preacher, and during his occupation of that post this kind of socialism found such favour in official quarters that he was able to say that it was his personal conviction that a social revolution was within the bounds of practical politics.[1080] But in 1890 the Emperor William II dismissed his pastor, and Christian Socialism immediately lost its official status.[1081]
At the Congress of Erfurt in 1896 two young pastors of Frankfort named Naumann and Goehre[1082] tried to win the adherence of the working classes by endeavouring to give the Protestant churches a more distinctively socialist bias. But the suggestion was condemned by the official Lutheran Church, the masters opposed it, and it received but very slight support from the Social Democrats. Altogether the movement proved abortive, and the pastors have long since turned aside to other interests.
In Switzerland also the movement is making considerable headway, and in Professor Ragaz and Pastors Kutter[1083] and Pflüger, the latter of whom has recently been made a deputy, it has found advocates whose views are at any rate sufficiently advanced.
In France there is at least one—there may possibly be more—Social Protestant school. But as it only includes a small fraction of Protestantism, which is itself in a hopeless minority, its influence is not very great. There are several important social movements, however, such as the crusades against alcoholism and pornography, the revival of co-operation and the demand for the erection of “People’s Palaces”—known as Solidarités—which are entirely due to the activities of this school. An association for the inductive study of social questions was founded in 1887 by Pastor Gouth, another pastor named Tomy Fallot being its president and inspirer.[1084] At first the demands of this group were extremely moderate, co-operation being their only mode of action and solidarity their social doctrine.[1085] This new doctrine of solidarity, although rather belonging to the Radical wing, being the very antithesis of Christian charity, as we shall see by and by, has been enthusiastically welcomed by the Social Protestants. The Protestants even claim that it was originally their own peculiar doctrine, and that other schools merely borrowed it; for where can be found a fuller expression of the law of solidarity than the two Christian doctrines of the fall and redemption of man? “For as in Adam all die, even so in Christ shall all be made alive.”
Curiously enough there is another group of young pastors who closely resemble what is known in Catholic circles as the Abbots’ Party. They are dissatisfied with the moderate claims of the Catholics as a whole, and like their American colleagues they demand the establishment of a form of collectivism.[1086] They think, at any rate, that the question of property ought to come up for consideration almost immediately.
In short, it seems true to say that in almost every country Social Christianity is gradually evolving into Christian Socialism, and the change of title is an index to the difference of attitude. In other words, Social Protestantism accepts the essential principles of international socialism, such as the socialisation of the means of production, class war, and internationalism, and endeavours to show that they are in complete accordance with the teaching of the Gospels.
But the stress which it lays upon the necessity for moral reform saves Social Protestantism from being hopelessly confused with collectivism, and the fact that it believes that individual salvation is impossible without social transformation helps to distinguish it from individual Protestantism.[1087] Conversion implies a change of environment. What is the use of preaching chastity when people have to sleep together in the same room without distinction of age or of sex? “Society,” says Fallot, “ought to be organised in such a fashion that salvation is at least possible for everyone.” “The régime of the great industry,” says M. Gounelle, “is the greatest obstacle to the salvation of sinners that the religion of Christ has yet met.” Protestant Socialism remains individualistic in the sense that while seeking to suppress individualism in the form of egoism as a centripetal force, it wishes to uphold it and to strengthen it as a principle of disinterested activity—as a centrifugal force. It takes for its motto those words of Vinet which may be found carved on the pedestal of his statue at Lausanne: “I want man to be his own master in order that he may give better service to everybody else.”[1088]