The best known of his works, which is frequently quoted but seldom read, is Das Kapital, of which the first volume—the only one published during his lifetime—appeared in 1867. The other two volumes were issued after his death, in 1885 and 1894, through the efforts of his collaborator Engels.
This book has exercised a great influence upon nineteenth-century thought, and probably no work, with the exception of the Bible and the Pandects, has given rise to such a host of commentators and apologists. Marx’s other writings, though much less frequently quoted, are also exceedingly important, especially La Misère de la Philosophie, published in 1847 in answer to Proudhon’s Les Contradictions Économiques; Zur Kritik der politischen Oekonomie (1859); and particularly the Communist Manifesto, published in January 1848. The Manifesto is merely a pamphlet, and at first it attracted scarcely any attention, but Labriola goes so far as to say—not without some exaggeration, perhaps—that “the date of its publication marks the beginning of a new era” (Essai sur la Conception matérialiste de l’Histoire, p. 81). At any rate, it is the breviary of modern socialism. There is scarcely a single one of its phrases, each of which stings like a dart, that has not been invoked a thousand times. The Programme of the Communist Manifesto is included in Ensor’s Modern Socialism.
It is a much-debated question as to whether Karl Marx was influenced by French socialists, and if so to what extent. On the question of his indebtedness to Pecqueur and Proudhon see Bourguin’s article in La Revue d’Économie politique, 1892, on Des Rapports entre Proudhon et K. Marx. Proudhon’s work, at any rate, was known to him, for one of his books was a refutation of the doctrines of the petit bourgeois, as he called him. Certain analogies between the works of these two writers to which we shall have to call attention will help us to appreciate the extent to which Marx is indebted to Proudhon. But, as Anton Menger has pointed out, we must seek Marx’s antecedents among English socialists, in the works of writers like Thompson especially. Nor must we forget his friend and collaborator Friedrich Engels, who for the sake of his master has been content to remain in the background. Engels collaborated in the publication of the famous Manifesto in 1848, and it was he who piously collected and edited Karl Marx’s posthumous work. It is difficult to know exactly what part he played in the development of Marx’s ideas, but it is highly probable that it was considerable.
[965] Marx calls attention to the fact that even Aristotle was puzzled by this common element which exchanged objects seemed to possess, and by the fact that exchange appeared to make them of equal value. We say that 5 beds = 1 house. “What is that equal something, that common substance, which admits of the value of the beds being expressed by a house? Such a thing, in truth, cannot exist, says Aristotle. And why not? Compared with the beds the house does represent something equal to them, in so far as it represents what is really equal, both in the beds and the house. And that is—human labour.” (Kapital, p. 29; Moore and Aveling’s translation—to which the Translator is indebted for the succeeding quotations also.)
“If we make abstraction from its use-value we make abstraction at the same time from the material elements and shapes that make the product a use-value.… Its existence as a material thing is put out of sight. Neither can it any longer be regarded as the product of the labour of the joiner, the mason, the spinner, or of any other definite kind of productive labour … there is nothing left but what is common to them all; all are reduced to one and the same sort of labour—human labour in the abstract.” (Ibid., p. 5.)
[966] “The capitalist epoch is therefore characterized by this, that labour-power takes in the eyes of the labourer himself the form of a commodity which is his property; his labour consequently becomes wage-labour.… Given the individual, the production of labour-power consists in his reproduction of himself or his maintenance. For his maintenance he requires a given quantity of the means of subsistence. Therefore the labour-time requisite for the production of labour-power reduces itself to that necessary for the production of those means of subsistence: in other words, the value of labour-power is the value of the means of subsistence necessary for the maintenance of the labourer.” (Kapital, p. 149.)
[967] This demonstration implies that the wages drawn by the worker is necessarily only just equal to the value of the means of his subsistence. It is the old classic law of Turgot and Ricardo over again, which Lassalle, Marx’s contemporary and rival, graphically called the “brazen law of wages.” We are simply given a more scientific demonstration of it, that is all.
The demonstration is based upon a postulate which ought first to have been proved, namely, that the quantity of labour necessary to keep the worker alive is always less than the quantity which he provides for his master. But what is there to prove that a man who works ten hours a day does not require all those ten hours to produce sufficient for his upkeep? Is there some natural law that supports this contention? Marx simply regards it as an axiom and attempts no proof. Everyone would admit it to be true in a general way—as a kind of empirical law. For were it true that man’s labour was wholly absorbed by the necessaries of life there would be no increase of numbers, no saving of capital, and civilisation, which is the product of leisure, would never have been possible.
What we have here is the Physiocratic “net product” once again, with this difference, that instead of being confined to agricultural labour it is now regarded as an attribute of labour of every kind.
[968] See [p. 184] for what is said of Sismondi and his conception of “increment value.”