[1019] Socialisme et Social-démocratie, p. 234. We have recently been told that syndicalism is just a literal application of Bergson’s philosophy.
[1020] This point of view is very neatly expressed in an article of M. Berth’s (Mouvement socialiste, May 1908, p. 393): “From a purely negative or critical point of view we agree with Bernstein rather than the orthodox Kautsky. But what does Bernstein propose to substitute for the revolutionary ideal—impracticable as it was—of the German Social Democratic party? The alternative offered is a simple democratic, reformist evolution, a political or economic development which would just be a pale imitation of the bourgeois Liberal régime, which it is hoped would result in the emancipation of the workers by getting rid of bourgeois Liberalism altogether. The complete democratisation of politics and economics would, it is hoped, effect the necessary improvement. On this point we syndicalists must definitely part company with Bernstein and his confrères, for what we want is not a mere evolution, but a revolutionary creation of new social forms.”
[1021] “An organisation of producers who will be able to manage their own affairs without having recourse to the superior knowledge which the typical bourgeois in supposed to possess.” (Sorel, Décomposition du Marxisme, pp. 60-61.)
[1022] “Revolutionary syndicalism is the great educative force which contemporary society has at its disposal to prepare it for the tasks which await it.” (Sorel, Réflexions sur la Violence, p. 244; 1909.)
“In the general ruin of institutions something new and powerful will remain intact. This will be what is generally known as the proletarian soul, which it is hoped will survive the general reassessment of moral values, but that will depend on the energy displayed by the workers in resisting the corruption of the bourgeoisie and in meeting their advances with the most unmistakable hostility.” (Ibid., p. 253.)
It is altogether a different point of view from that of the consumer, the shareholder, or the “literary idler,” who are only interested in the success of buyers’ social leagues, or in consumers’ societies. Cf. [p. 342].
[1023] This incessant struggle is what Sorel has named violence, which he thinks is peculiarly healthy. “I have shown,” says he, “that proletarian violence has an entirely different significance from that usually attributed to it by politicians and amateur students of society.” It is incorrect, however, to say that he is in favour of sabotage. “Sabotage,” says Sorel, “belongs to the old régime, but does nothing to set the worker in the way of emancipation.” (Mouvement socialiste, 1905, November 1 and 15.)
One cannot fail to see the antagonism which exists in France between the Socialistes Unifiés (which is largely recruited from the old Marxian party) and the syndicalists, who condemn both universal suffrage and parliamentary action.
[1024] “One no longer thinks of drawing up a scheme which shall determine the way in which people in the future are to seek their own well-being. The problem now is how to complete the revolutionary education of the proletarian.” (Sorel, Décomposition du Marxisme, introduction, p. 37.)
[1025] This group is represented by the review called Le Mouvement socialiste, which is controlled by M. Lagardelle. Sorel has withdrawn from the group and is now leading a campaign in favour of Catholic nationalism.