March 17th.—The new Government is looking up. On Monday evening Bernal Osborne attacked Disraeli in his usual style, and gave him an opportunity of making a speech in reply, which everybody acknowledges to have been most able and successful. Bernal was very bad, Palmerston spoke feebly, professed moderate intentions towards the new Government, but clearly indicated that he meant to take office again if he could. His speech was tamely received, and furnished a fresh proof of the loss of his popularity and influence. Last night again, in a little skirmish between Disraeli and George Lewis, the former had the best of it. Clanricarde having had the egregious folly to announce to the House of Lords his intention to make 'a personal statement,' in which he was unaccountably supported by such men as George Lewis and Lansdowne amongst others, found out that everybody thought he was making a great fool of himself and withdrew it, but his colleagues are annoyed at his putting himself forward to ask questions of Derby. He sits on the front Opposition bench in the midst of his late colleagues, who would be glad to be rid of him, particularly as they know that in the event of their return to office he would be left out.
March 20th.—I went on Friday with M. de Jarnac to Orleans House to pay a visit to the Duc d'Aumale and see his interesting collection of books and pictures. He is very courteous, obliging, and intelligent, and the Duchess very civil and pleasing. His house was formerly occupied by his father, Louis Philippe, improved and enlarged by Lord Kilmorey, who lived there with Miss Hoste, and bought from him by the Duke, who has filled it full of objects of historical or artistic interest, especially of memorials of the great Cond�. The family portraits, of which there is a vast collection, are particularly curious. He has two sons, who bear the fine titles of Prince de Cond� and Duc de Guise, but it is melancholy to contemplate the avenir of these boys, whose high birth is their misfortune, and to whom no profession or occupation seems open. They have lost their own country by no fault of their own, and are so situated that they cannot or will not get adopted in any other.[1] It is a false position if ever there was one. The family appear to have been alarmed by the recent events in France, and the indirect effect which those events might have upon them, for they have reason to believe that they are exposed to a constant system of espionnage by the French Government, who wish very much to implicate them if possible in some of the plots that they believe to be constantly going on here, and great vigilance on their part is necessary not to commit themselves in any way to unknown Frenchmen who approach under pretences of attachment to their family or to make appeals to their charity.
[1] [Alas! both these interesting and promising young Princes were cut off in early life, the Prince de Cond� dying in New South Wales, at the outset of a journey on which he had started under the most auspicious circumstances. The Duc de Guise, then the sole surviving child and heir of the Duc d'Aumale, also died soon after the return of the Royal Family to France in 1871.]
The other day I got a note from Lord Derby about a Council, at the end of which he earnestly begged me if I had any influence with the 'Times' to get them to abstain from writing any more irritating articles about France, for that these articles provoked the French to madness, and, as matters are, that nothing but the utmost care and moderation on both sides enabled the two Governments to go on in harmony. I accordingly sent his note to Delane, who promised to attend to it, though it was hard to leave the French press without replies. It is curious that I should be found acting a friendly part towards Derby's Government, he being of all men the one to whom I have felt the greatest political repugnance; but I am now so free from all political predilections, and regard constant changes as so objectionable, that I wish this Government to be fairly tried, especially as it appears to me quite as good as any other we are likely to have; disposed to work hard and promote good measures, and to be unable, even if they were disposed, to do any harm.
SETTLEMENT OF THE FRENCH QUARREL.
I find a disposition to carp at the settlement of the French quarrel, though without any good reason. Lord Malmesbury's letter might have been better composed, and more showy, but the object was to close the quarrel in a manner that would satisfy the pride and allay the irritation of this country, without being so exacting towards France as to pique her into fresh ebullitions offensive to us, and this has been done, though it cannot be said with truth that they had settled the dispute 'with flying colours.' The French Government have had the last word, and exhibited some spleen, which is not very unnatural considering the part they have had to play, eating humble pie and retracting almost everything they said.
The Duke of Bedford is in town, having been urgently pressed to come up and see what he could do to effect a political reconciliation between Lord John and Palmerston, which he has certainly not effected, and probably will fail in effecting. Lord John said some months ago that he never would take office again but as Premier, but what the Whigs want is that he should join them, consent to co-operate in ousting Derby, and then to take office under Palmerston; but if he would not do this before the present session began, much less would he be inclined to do so now. He knows very well that they are only trying to make it up with him, because they feel that they cannot do without him, and as they still prefer Palmerston, and mean to stick to him, and to come back with him as their chief, there is very little chance of any negotiation being brought to a successful issue. The best chance of the Whigs being reunited is, that the present Government should take sufficient root, and stay in office long enough to show that nothing but a complete reconciliation of the Liberals of all shades and opinions can drive them out, and for this time is required. The notion the late Government cherished of being able to turn out their opponents in a very brief space is already gone, and they find that the majority of the House of Commons will be no party to such an overthrow.
March 21st.—The Duke of Bedford has just been here; he has been occupied with vain attempts to bring about the reconciliation so much desired by his political friends, but without success or any hope of it; he finds the estrangement between Palmerston and Lord John great as ever, and even between Lord John and Clarendon, the latter complaining bitterly that Lord John 'went out of his way to insult him,' which meant that in his speech the other day he spoke civilly of Malmesbury, saying he had no doubt he would uphold the honour and dignity of the country.' All this shows the excessive soreness and ill-humour of the outgoing party, and though Clarendon expresses the most unalloyed satisfaction at being out of office, it proves there is the amari aliquid to detract from his pleasure at being free; and it is not unnatural that the great part he has himself had in bringing about the catastrophe should make him very sore and uneasy, and a blow has been given to his reputation the effects of which may be hereafter serious.
March 25th.—Marshal P�lissieris going to replace Persigny here as Ambassador, a strange choice. He is a military ruffian, who knows no more of diplomacy than he does of astronomy. Persigny goes because he cannot agree with Walewski; I don't know the details of his dissatisfaction. His departure is regretted, as he is believed to be honest and true, and sincerely anxious to promote a good understanding between the two countries.