In spite of all the difficulties and criticisms, however, large numbers of Negro officers were able to command and lead troops for the first time. In the pages to come there will be noted many instances not only of courage but also of efficiency, and it is a significant fact that the majority of these officers returned to the states in the 92nd Division. This alone is proof that they were fairly efficient, especially when it is remembered that on the slightest occasion they were sent before efficiency boards. More than a thousand of these Negro line officers “saw it through” in France, rendering heroic service in the World War; and it is pleasant to record that among those who served with them there were those who were not afraid to give credit where credit was due.

One other matter is of importance in this general connection, and that is the question of the relation of the Negro officer to the reorganization of the army after the war was over. There are and probably always will be divers opinions as to the size and training of the regular army in peace times, as well as to the composition of the different units. In general, regular army officers felt that the time had not come in army affairs when it was expedient to include Negro officers in the plan of reorganization. Such a course was considered “an injustice to West Point graduates who had served as second lieutenants and waited their turn for promotion.” The question was essentially not one of fitness but of tradition, as was shown by the word of a major who now sleeps in the Argonne and who was asked to send in the names of the men in his command who should go before an efficiency board. He commended highly the work of his officers, but concluded by saying that the whole principle of Negro officers was wrong and that he recommended that all should be relieved from duty. Such an attitude took tangible form in the action of members of some of the examining boards for the regular army. One board discharged more than half of the officers in the division it was considering. Many who formerly had good grades were rated below 60, and while the questions asked were simple enough, all answers were deemed unsatisfactory. In the medical department similar conditions prevailed. It was natural that the Negro men should feel that under the circumstances they had hardly been fairly dealt with; moreover they had to meet the general prejudice of regular army officers against all civilian officers. One official said, “The regular army officers looked with disfavor upon both the National Guard and National Army officers, the National Guard officers discredited the National Army (90-day) officer, and all three combined against the Negro officer.” When everything is considered, it is difficult to reconcile the methods used to eliminate Negro officers with the spirit of fairness and justice for which the army is renowned, or with the gentleman’s agreement known to exist among fellow-officers, and it is to be regretted that some of the adverse opinions expressed were uttered by men in high positions who will help to determine the future policy of the War Department.

CHAPTER IV
HOPES AND FEARS

Propaganda was recognized by all the belligerent nations as a mighty weapon when effectively used. That great things could be accomplished by its use was demonstrated when a part of the Russian army surrendered to the enemy without bloodshed, when the Russian people rose up against their rulers, and when the German sailors turned against their commanders. In spite of some suggestions made to him, however, the Negro in the United States chose the better part, pledging his loyalty and support to the Government as far as necessary.

When the selective draft was voted by Congress, there arose cries against the sending of Negroes to certain sections, and petitions and delegations went to Washington to prevail with the officials. It was feared that race friction would lead to riots, and especially that there would be difficulty between the Negro soldiers and the civilian population. The Houston riot, occurring in 1917 just before Negro men were called to the camps, intensified this feeling and caused many cantonment cities to raise objections to the placing of Negro soldiers in the camps near them. In South Carolina especially there was strong protest on the part of prominent citizens, led by the Governor of the State; and even one of the Negro churches, on the arrival of Negro soldiers at Camp Jackson, discontinued evening services for fear of trouble. Yet, although it was thought that this innovation would bring disaster to the state, from the beginning there was a feeling of comradeship between the white and the Negro soldiers. In a speech before the race conference held in Columbia March 13, 1918, the Governor, who had opposed the coming of the latter, commended them in the highest manner; and the police department gave testimony to the fact that the Negro soldiers had been a credit to themselves and to the uniform they wore. At Camp Shelby, Hattiesburg, Miss., there was also opposition, but here again the conduct of the soldiers allayed all fears. At Rockford, Ill., where the police force was enlarged in anticipation of the coming of the Negro men, and where an addition was built to the jail to accommodate the expected number of offenders, the chief of police afterwards said that “The Negro soldiers made a splendid record—much better than was expected; the enlarged jail was never needed for them.”

The finest atmosphere surrounding Negro soldiers in America was found at Camp Upton, N. Y. No protest was made by New York people about training Negroes at the camp, nor was there any propaganda about race riots or other disasters; and because of this fact the relationship between the different groups was exceptionally good. The officers and also the welfare workers were, with rare exceptions, fair and considerate in their treatment. This example of real Americanism was due to the generous spirit of the New York people and to the high stand and impartial attitude taken by the late Gen. I. Franklin Bell, commander. In settling all questions of racial relationship he insisted that all men be given fair and equal treatment. Not only in this camp, but in every cantonment city, East, West, North, or South, the officials, including judges and chiefs of police, as well as citizens from all walks of life, spoke in the highest terms of the conduct of the Negro soldiers.

In France there arose two forms of subtle and dangerous propaganda with which the Negro had to contend. One was disseminated by the Germans and the other by some of his own comrades in arms. Over the lines the Germans sent their insidious matter, of which the following is a sample:

“To the Colored Soldiers of the U. S. Army,