As a line by itself is inconceivable without that plane which it separates, so the plane is inconceivable without the solids which it limits on either hand. And so space itself cannot be positively defined. It is the negation of the possibility of movement in more than three dimensions. The conception of space demands that of a higher space. As a surface is thin and unsubstantial without the substance of which it is the surface, so matter itself is thin without the higher matter.
Just as Aristotle invented that algebraical method of representing unknown quantities by mere symbols, not by lines necessarily determinate in length as was the habit of the Greek geometers, and so struck out the path towards those objectifications of thought which, like independent machines for reasoning, supply the mathematician with his analytical weapons, so in the formulation of the doctrine of matter and form, of potentiality and actuality, of the relativity of substance, he produced another kind of objectification of mind—a definition which had a vital force and an activity of its own.
In none of his writings, as far as we know, did he carry it to its legitimate conclusion on the side of matter, but in the direction of the formal qualities he was led to his limiting conception of that existence of pure form which lies beyond all known determination of matter. The unmoved mover of all things is Aristotle’s highest principle. Towards it, to partake of its perfection all things move. The universe, according to Aristotle, is an active process—he does not adopt the illogical conception that it was once set in motion and has kept on ever since. There is room for activity, will, self-determination, in Aristotle’s system, and for the contingent and accidental as well. We do not follow him, because we are accustomed to find in nature infinite series, and do not feel obliged to pass on to a belief in the ultimate limits to which they seem to point.
But apart from the pushing to the limit, as a relative principle this doctrine of Aristotle’s as to the relativity of substance is irrefragible in its logic. He was the first to show the necessity of that path of thought which when followed leads to a belief in a four-dimensional space.
Antagonistic as he was to Plato in his conception of the practical relation of reason to the world of phenomena, yet in one point he coincided with him. And in this he showed the candour of his intellect. He was more anxious to lose nothing than to explain everything. And that wherein so many have detected an inconsistency, an inability to free himself from the school of Plato, appears to us in connection with our enquiry as an instance of the acuteness of his observation. For beyond all knowledge given by the senses Aristotle held that there is an active intelligence, a mind not the passive recipient of impressions from without, but an active and originative being, capable of grasping knowledge at first hand. In the active soul Aristotle recognised something in man not produced by his physical surroundings, something which creates, whose activity is a knowledge underived from sense. This, he says, is the immortal and undying being in man.
Thus we see that Aristotle was not far from the recognition of the four-dimensional existence, both without and within man, and the process of adequately realising the higher dimensional figures to which we shall come subsequently is a simple reduction to practice of his hypothesis of a soul.
The next step in the unfolding of the drama of the recognition of the soul as connected with our scientific conception of the world, and, at the same time, the recognition of that higher of which a three-dimensional world presents the superficial appearance, took place many centuries later. If we pass over the intervening time without a word it is because the soul was occupied with the assertion of itself in other ways than that of knowledge. When it took up the task in earnest of knowing this material world in which it found itself, and of directing the course of inanimate nature, from that most objective aim came, reflected back as from a mirror, its knowledge of itself.
CHAPTER V
THE SECOND CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF FOUR SPACE
Lobatchewsky, Bolyai, and Gauss Before entering on a description of the work of Lobatchewsky and Bolyai it will not be out of place to give a brief account of them, the materials for which are to be found in an article by Franz Schmidt in the forty-second volume of the Mathematische Annalen, and in Engel’s edition of Lobatchewsky.
Lobatchewsky was a man of the most complete and wonderful talents. As a youth he was full of vivacity, carrying his exuberance so far as to fall into serious trouble for hazing a professor, and other freaks. Saved by the good offices of the mathematician Bartels, who appreciated his ability, he managed to restrain himself within the bounds of prudence. Appointed professor at his own University, Kasan, he entered on his duties under the regime of a pietistic reactionary, who surrounded himself with sycophants and hypocrites. Esteeming probably the interests of his pupils as higher than any attempt at a vain resistance, he made himself the tyrant’s right-hand man, doing an incredible amount of teaching and performing the most varied official duties. Amidst all his activities he found time to make important contributions to science. His theory of parallels is most closely connected with his name, but a study of his writings shows that he was a man capable of carrying on mathematics in its main lines of advance, and of a judgment equal to discerning what these lines were. Appointed rector of his University, he died at an advanced age, surrounded by friends, honoured, with the results of his beneficent activity all around him. To him no subject came amiss, from the foundations of geometry to the improvement of the stoves by which the peasants warmed their houses.