Panama to Patagonia

by Charles M. Pepper

Peru’s growth in genuine popular institutions and the recognition of public sentiment has been shown in the caution with which the executive power has been exercised by the presidents during the last twelve or fifteen years. There has been little of the dictator either in disguise or in proper person. Under President Pardo representative government is certain to make further progress.

I have given the substance and the spirit of the government of Peru as it exists to-day, leaving only brief space for an analysis of the form. The Constitution now in force was adopted in 1860 and was modelled after that of the United States. Power is centralized, though there is a reasonable measure of local self-government or local administration. Geographical isolation of the different sections is one cause of the centralized authority. The political division of the Republic is into 21 departments, which are subdivided into 97 provinces, and these into 778 districts. The source of administrative authority in each department is the prefect, who is named by the central government. In many of the departments the prefect is an officer of the regular army. Each of the provinces has a sub-prefect, and the districts have their local rulers or governors, depending from the higher power. In the municipalities the alcalde is appointed, but the members of the Council are elected. The Amazon Province of Loreto has a system of administration somewhat different from the other departments. It is more under military administration. The customs administration at Iquitos also requires a close supervision by the national authorities.

The powers of the Executive are defined with clearness. They are complete, though there is something of a limitation in the Council of State and the cabinet. Members of the cabinet occupy a position midway between constitutional advisers and clerks of the Executive. The Council of State, which was created by law in 1896, is in some respects an executive body. When the cabinet is in full sympathy with the President, the Council of State is his instrument. But when this body is made up of warring political elements, the President is not always able to have his way. The system obtains of having the various political groups represented, and when there is a hostile majority in the Congress that is the only means by which the government can be carried on. Frequently it results in an administration of cross purposes. The cabinet members may be also members of the Congress, and may be summoned before either branch of that body to give explanations and may take part in the debates. The Peruvian Congress is peculiar in one respect. This is in the election of suplentes, or deputy representatives and deputy senators. When the election is held, it is both for members and for deputy members. Thus it happens that the Congress never need be without a quorum in either branch, and no district or department need be deprived of representation temporarily by the death or absence of the senator or representative. His deputy can be counted on to attend the sessions.

The Church is a part of the state in Peru, and has been usually an unprogressive part. The ecclesiastical organization consists of an archbishop, resident in Lima, and eight suffragan bishops for the various dioceses. The Church as an institution has opposed movements to liberalize Peru, and has instigated revolutions against reforms.

Roman Catholicism is intrenched in the Constitution, not only as the religion of the state, but by the prohibition of other forms of worship. The Protestant congregations are not numerous, and it is still necessary to call their places of worship halls instead of churches. Yet under liberal administrations no real difficulty is experienced by the missionaries who temper good sense with zeal. In remote districts the central government cannot always insure protection against local prejudices, but its authority is exerted to that end. The testimony of the missionaries themselves is that they are meeting fewer and fewer difficulties, and even in the strongholds of intolerance, such as Cuzco and Arequipa, they are able to carry on their proselyting labors without interference.

In the passing of years the Constitution of Peru will be amended so as to welcome Protestantism, though the Roman Catholic Church will remain the state church. This constitutional amendment is somewhat cumbersome, since it requires consecutive action by two Congresses in order to become effective; but the sentiment in favor of it is spreading and propositions already have been presented to Congress. Wise Protestants do not believe in urging it too rapidly. They realize that, with a succession of liberal governments and with the toleration that already is manifest, Protestantism can afford to wait and work.

The provisions of the Peruvian Constitution and the laws with regard to foreigners are liberal. Foreigners may be naturalized after two years’ residence. The government at Lima through the prefects extends every possible protection to those who are travelling or who seek to engage in mining or other industries. The trouble which arises generally is with the local authorities, and Europeans or Americans who have a reasonable degree of tact and are willing to adapt themselves to their surroundings usually can make themselves personas gratas. Where they start in with the disposition to flaunt their foreign citizenship and to override the natives, not even the central authority can prevent local antagonisms. In four cases out of five the foreigner in Peru who gets into trouble with the local authorities has only himself to blame.

The government in the laws it has promulgated for the mining industry, for the exploitation of the rubber forests, for irrigation, and for the navigation of the waterways has sought especially to protect and encourage foreign capital and individuals. Foreigners may be members of the deputations or delegations which are provided in the mining-code, and they also may serve in the municipal councils. On the aldermanic ticket at Cuzco and other places I found English and German names, and was told that these candidates had not been naturalized and had no intention of being. This provision should be of particular value in colonization movements where communities may be established without the native Peruvians.

In relation to income and outgo there are three sources of revenue,—general, municipal, and departmental. The general revenues are had from the customs import and export duties, from the stamp tax, and from the internal revenues on tobacco, alcohol, sugar, matches, and similar articles of consumption. Salt is a natural monopoly. The departmental revenues are from the land tax (which is very light), from the imposts on property transfers, from the inheritance tax, and from a variety of industrial sources. The municipal taxes are obtained from local tolls, licenses, surveys, and like means. They are not heavy.

Somewhat curiously in this age, the collection of the internal taxes is farmed out by the national government. A joint-stock company known as the National Tax Collection Society, Compania Nacional de Recaudacion, by an agreement with the government collects all these revenues and turns them in, retaining its percentage and providing loans when needed for current purposes. The stock of this company was taken mainly by the Lima Chamber of Commerce. There is also in Lima a provincial tax collection association, which takes charge of the local revenues in the same manner that the national company collects the general revenues. Contrary to what might be supposed, this system works very well, and is satisfactory to the taxpayers, while the government gets a larger return than if it itself were the collector.