Panama to Patagonia

by Charles M. Pepper

The existing regimen, as studied on paper, is almost a complete reversal of the regimen under which for nearly half a century Chilean nationality was developed and the little ribbon of a republic was consolidated and made strong. The old form was a colonial despotism, with monarchical powers for the Executive. The present system is congressional despotism without republican powers for the Executive, but under both forms the one hundred families have ruled. The president is selected by electors chosen in the provinces through direct suffrage, since there is no such thing as provincial legislatures.

Intense jealousy of the power of the Executive is shown. Politically the president of Chile is a cipher, though he has vast power in relation to public contracts. But he can rule only as the instrument of the Congress. Not only does the ministerial system prevail in its most extreme form, so that it is not unusual for the cabinet to be changed half a dozen times within a short period, as happened in 1903 and 1904, but a further limitation is put on the president’s authority by the Council of State. He governs through this body, which is composed of eleven members, the majority of whom are selected by the Congress, each branch naming three. The remaining five can be chosen by the president only from designated functionaries, one of them always being the Archbishop. Thus it cannot be said that there are three coördinate powers, legislative, executive, and judicial, in the Chilean government.

In operation there is no equilibrium of executive and legislative powers, because Chile is governed, ruled or misruled, by the legislative branch. The authority of the Congress is very extensive, and it never sleeps on its rights. Usually it keeps the president awake seeing how they can be respected and executive policies at the same time be carried out. An election for Congress is not greatly different from a similar event in the United States. The parties nominate their candidates, usually after a caucus. Minority representation obtains. Electioneering is done through the newspapers, through meetings, and through placards. The placards cut a very extensive figure. The manifestoes of the candidates, their allocutions and appeals to the voters, are printed in type so big that the one-eyed man must see and stop to read.

Election methods in many respects are patterned after the United States, and it is considered fair politics for the party which gets control of the voting machinery to use its advantage without particular regard for the will of the voters as manifested in the ballots. An example of this was given me which showed that Chilean politicians have a fine sense of humor,—one which would be appreciated by Tammany or by Philadelphia. Mr. George Asta-Barragua, who related the incident, had lived in Washington when his father was minister to the United States, and could enjoy the pleasantries of politics in either country.

The contest was very bitter between two candidates who might be disguised as Lopez and Martinez, those names being as common as Smith and Jones. The friends of Martinez secured a majority in the election board, but Lopez had the privilege of naming the minority member, one Rodriguez. The ballots deposited were evenly distributed. The majority of the board calmly counted all of them for Martinez. Rodriguez protested, but without avail. The Martinez faction had determined that in this precinct there should not be one vote for Lopez. After numerous energetic and violent protests, Rodriguez saw that the game was against him, and only varied the proceedings by violent protests in the nature of shaking his fist under the noses of his co-judges. Finally he contented himself with shrugging his shoulders, and the proceedings went on good-naturedly. His co-judges joked him, and he jested with them.

The last thing to be done was for the judges themselves to cast their ballots. Then Rodriguez made his final stand and delivered a little speech to the other judges. It was in substance as follows: “Gentlemen, I recognize that you are two against one. I won’t say that we wouldn’t have done the same if we had been two against one. But now that the farce is nearly over, I have one request to make, which as honorable gentlemen you surely will grant. It would be scandalous if, with myself as the representative of Lopez, the word was circulated that I did not vote for him. Therefore my request, honorable associates, is that I may cast my ballot and have it counted for Lopez.”

His honorable associates conceded that it was his duty to cast his ballot. He did it with the name LOPEZ in great black letters. His honorable associates calmly counted the ballot for Martinez. Rodriguez protested energetically. Colleague No. 1 picked up the ballot, remarking, “There is no vote here for Lopez,” Then he held it up and said to Colleague No. 2, “Do you see anything of the name of Lopez here?” Colleague No. 2 slowly spelled out, “M-A-R-T-I-N-E-Z.” Rodriguez then gave it up, and the vote of the precinct as returned showed, for Martinez, 267; for Lopez, 0.

I was assured that this was an actual occurrence, and it certainly was a fine exhibition of campaign humor.

The Roman Catholic Church is a part of the political system, and is a political power in Chile, although there is no discrimination against Protestant forms of worship. In 1813, during the struggle for independence, Bishop Villadres preached in the name of God war against the patriots. Bishop Andreu preached war against the King’s soldiers. Thus the Church was not arrayed wholly against the patriots. They recognized it in the Constitution, and it receives State aid.

While the influence of the hierarchy in the main has been reactionary, the ecclesiastical authorities have been politic enough not to antagonize the ruling family groups. When they have sought to do so, they have been worsted.