"For the interpretation of this record, Madison, the best possible witness, has left this note: 'Striking out the words cut off the pretext for a paper currency, and particularly for making the bills a tender either for public or private debts.'
"Madison was the chief author of the new Constitution. Its opponent, Luther Martin, the attorney-general of Maryland, a delegate to the Federal Convention and present at the debate, read to the Maryland House of Delegates a paper, in which he gave his account of the purpose of the Convention; his evidence agrees exactly with that of Madison, and for nearly a hundred years his fidelity as a witness was as little questioned as that of Madison. Here are two witnesses: Madison, who approved the prohibition, and Martin, who condemned it; the court pushes the testimony of Madison aside as if he had 'not explained himself,' though on the point in question his words are as clear as sunlight. The address of Martin the court rejects as a 'philippic,' though it contains not a word of invective against any individual, and does contain the clearly expressed wish of its author 'not to wound the feelings of any person.'
"We have a record of what was spoken and of what was done in the Federal Convention kept by Madison, who took upon himself the most solemn engagement to preserve the truth for the instruction of coming generations, and whose opportunity, capacity, and integrity no one questions. His report of what was said and done on the 16th of August in the Federal Convention preserves the testimony of many witnesses, taken down as it were by the most capable notary.
"The question before the Convention was: Shall power be granted to the legislature of the United States 'to emit bills of credit'? The first witness is Gouverneur Morris, a man free from illusions; a delegate from the state which contained Philadelphia, then the most opulent city in the thirteen states; and as by its interests he was nearly connected with the city and state of New York, he thoroughly represented the interests of commerce. He moved to strike out the grant of power to 'emit bills on the credit of the United States,' saying: 'If the United States have credit, such bills will be unnecessary; if they have not, will be unjust and useless.' The seconder of Gouverneur Morris was Pierce Butler, a delegate from South Carolina, then the richest commercial state in the South. He remarked in the course of debate that 'paper is a legal tender in no country in Europe,' and he was urgent to withhold from the Government of the United States the power to make it so.
"Madison interposed: 'Will it not be sufficient to prohibit the making' the bills 'a tender'? Gorham, in reply to Madison, held that no accompanying prohibition was sufficient to make it safe to grant to the legislature of the United States the power to emit bills of credit. He spoke absolutely 'for striking the words out,' saying: 'If the words stand, they may suggest and lead to the measure.'
"The words of Oliver Ellsworth, our third chief justice, were: 'This is a favorable moment to shut and bar the door against paper money. The mischiefs of the various experiments which have been made are now fresh in the public mind, and have excited the disgust of all the respectable part of America.'
"Randolph expresses 'his antipathy to paper money'; but, 'could not agree to strike out the words, as he could not foresee all the occasions that might arise.'
"James Wilson, in concurrence with Ellsworth, said: 'It will have a most salutary influence on the credit of the United States to remove the possibility of paper money. This expedition can never succeed whilst its mischiefs are remembered; and, as long as it can be resorted to, it will be a bar to other resources.'
"George Reed spoke for Delaware: 'The words, if not struck out, would be as alarming as the mark of the beast in Revelation.'
"John Langdon, of New Hampshire, conforming to the wise instructions of the towns of his state, said: 'I had rather reject the whole plan than retain the three words "and emit bills."'