Why Captain Rhea should have refused and Stickney should have hesitated to believe that an attack was imminent even though they knew of the massacre at Fort Dearborn is difficult to understand. It can be said in their defense that when Bondie revealed to them the plot of the red men, they had not yet heard of the surrender of Detroit; consequently, did not realize their position was so precarious. Lt. Curtis in his account of the siege of Fort Wayne states that many attempts were made to send messages through to Detroit, but that they all failed.[4] Earlier in the same day that Metea informed Bondie of the coming attack on Fort Wayne, Captain Rhea expressed the rather naive belief that the Potawatomies gathering about the fort intended to proceed to Piqua for a conference with the U. S. commissioners, and requested Governor Meigs of Ohio to send him instructions concerning the matter. At the same time Captain Rhea asked for information in regard to General Hull’s movements at Detroit, which indicated he knew nothing of the surrender.[5]

Four days later it was becoming increasingly apparent that the information furnished by Antoine Bondie was no mere fiction. Stephen Johnston, who served as a clerk at the Fort Wayne factory after the departure of his older brother, described conditions surrounding the fort in a letter written August 24, 1812, to his wife at Piqua:

“We have about four hundred Indians here. Their intentions are very suspicious. I have moved all the public goods into the garrison, so that I am now unincumbered by the business, and if it were not for Mr. Stickney’s illness, and having to attend to his department, I would leave the place for the present, as the trading establishment is at an end for the time being.”[6]

On the 24 or 25 of August, Captain Rhea dispatched a message to General Worthington and Governor Meigs of Ohio, stating that he expected the fort to be attacked that night.[7] This was the last communication received from the garrison prior to the start of the siege. It is fortunate that these appeals for aid were sent by Benjamin Stickney and Captain Rhea as they served to hasten Harrison’s army of relief in time to save the fort. By August 28, Harrison, realizing the gravity of the situation, wrote to the Secretary of War, “The relief of Fort Wayne will be my first object.”[8]

Meanwhile at Fort Wayne, both parties wished to delay the final conflict, the garrison in order to give time to Harrison to bring the necessary relief, and the Indians, from daily expectation of the arrival of the British force which had been promised them. Within the fort, the situation was rendered highly embarrassing and hazardous by the condition of Captain Rhea who began to drink heavily and was incapable of handling any duties. It is evident also that ill-feeling between Benjamin Stickney and the two lieutenants, Curtis and Ostrander, was not lacking. In his account, Stickney wrote, “The commanding officer was drunk nearly all the time, and the two lieutenants were inefficient men, entirely unfit to hold commissions of any grade.”[9] This last statement must be taken with some allowance, as Philip Ostrander was later made temporary commander of Fort Wayne with Harrison’s approval, and Daniel Curtis rose to the rank of captain after creditable service during the war.

By August 28, the post was definitely in a state of siege. About ten o’clock that night Stephen Johnston, accompanied by Peter Oliver and a recently discharged soldier set out for Piqua, as Johnston was eager to join his wife there. When the three men had arrived at a point a short distance south of the fort, near what was the Hanna homestead, they were fired upon by the Indians. Johnston was killed instantly. The other two men fled back to the fort. A reward of twenty dollars, offered by Antoine Bondie the next day for the return of Johnston’s body to the fort—a work performed by a young chief, White Racoon—revealed the fact that Johnston had been scalped and tomahawked in a most brutal manner.

No further proof of the attitude of the Indians was needed; however the next morning an Indian approached the fort and asked Stickney for a white flag in order that some of the chiefs might come and speak with him. The flag was granted under a promise of its being returned that day, but the Indians kept it several days during which time they were constantly plundering the gardens and cornfields and were killing and carrying away the cattle and hogs. This they did right under the guns of the fort, and comments Lt. Curtis, “we poor soldiers, either from cowardice or some other agency in our captain, were not suffered to fire a gun but obliged their repeated insults to pass with impunity.”[10]

On one occasion a party of soldiers left the fort to check the Indians. For this the lieutenants were rebuked by Captain Rhea in an official order.[11] Finally the Indians bearing the flag before themselves approached the fort in large number, hoping evidently to be allowed to enter in such force as to be able to overpower the occupants. But only a few were admitted by Stickney, who designated thirteen chiefs who would be welcomed. Each chief was disarmed on entering the stockade and the party followed the agent to his quarters. At the request of Stickney the troops were paraded during the council which followed. When the council pipes were finished, Winamac addressing the agent disclaimed any part in the death of Johnston. “But,” he added, “if my father wishes for war, I am a man.”[12] With this expression he struck his hand upon a knife that was concealed under his blanket. Stickney at the time did not understand the language, but Antoine Bondie who was present and understood the whole force of what was said, sprang to his feet and, striking his own knife, shouted in Potawatomie, “I, too, am a man.”[13] His dramatic action, together with the appearance of the soldiers, fully armed, brought the plot to a finish. The Indians had hoped through the murder of Stickney and the officers, to be able to control the situation within the fort, even to the opening of the gates to allow the entrance of their warriors. However, they filed back to their encampment disappointed.

The garrison was cheered on September 1 by the arrival of William Oliver who brought news of the approach of Harrison’s army. Oliver, who was then twenty-five years of age, had been connected with the fort as a sutler. While the Indians were gathering about the fort he was absent in Cincinnati purchasing supplies, and there he learned of the state of affairs at Fort Wayne. He enlisted with the Ohio troops and offered his services to General Harrison with the proposition that the general allow him to proceed from St. Mary’s, Ohio, to Fort Wayne with a small company as an advance detachment of the army of relief. This he did, but when the group of ninety-four men came within twenty-four miles of Fort Wayne, they ascertained the size of the besieging forces to be larger than they could safely meet in an open encounter. Oliver continued on, however, with three Shawnees—Captain John Logan, Captain Johnny, and Brighthorn. Well mounted and well armed, they eluded the vigilance of the besiegers and succeeded in reaching the Maumee river at a point one and a half miles east of the fort. Here they left their horses in order to make a preliminary reconnoiter. The enemy was conferring on a strategem for the capture of the garrison and had gathered on the west and south sides of the fort. Returning to their horses, the four messengers rode stealthily along the Maumee and up the bank to the east wall of the fort. No member of the garrison was in sight. In despair, they rode down the river bank and skirted the shore as they turned their horses to the west to follow the St. Mary’s river. Then, in full view of the Indians, they dashed up the river bank and made straight for the north gate of the fort, at a moment when Winamac and four other chiefs were rounding the northwest corner of the fort with a flag of truce to hold another conference with the commandant. The sudden appearance of the riders disconcerted the besiegers who believed them to be the advance of a large relieving force. Winamac retired after a mere handshake. Lt. Curtis later stated, “The safe arrival of Mr. Oliver at that particular juncture may justly be considered most miraculous. One hour sooner or one hour later would no doubt have been inevitable destruction both to himself and escort.”[14]

Once within the fort Oliver announced the approach of Harrison’s army and immediately dispatched a note to Harrison by John Logan and his companions, who succeeded in evading the besiegers once again.