American foreign affairs had been, since October 1, 1898, in the skilful hands of John Hay, who was possessed of an intimate knowledge of conditions in Europe. Hay perceived the danger to American commercial interests in China, and accordingly in September, 1899, he addressed a circular note to the powers requesting each of them to give formal assurances that in its sphere of influence: (1) it would not interfere with any treaty port or vested interest; (2) it would agree that the Chinese tariff should apply equally to all goods shipped to ports in the spheres, and be collected by the Chinese officials; and (3) it would charge no higher harbor and railroad rates for citizens of other nations than for its own. The powers having agreed more or less directly, Hay informed them by a note of March 20, 1900, that all had acceded to his propositions and that the United States considered their assent as "final and definitive." There could be, of course, no effectual guaranty that the powers would fully observe this "Open-Door" policy, but the economic penetration of China, which would soon result in complete political possession, was at least retarded for the moment.
Domestic affairs in China, meanwhile, had been seething under the surface. An ill-starred reform movement, initiated by the Emperor, had failed, the government was discredited, and the Empress Dowager seized the throne for herself. All China interpreted the event to presage a return to the old order of things—a general anti-foreign movement. Economic distresses, bad crops, a disastrous flood and hatred of foreign missionaries, combined with a deep resentment at the European partition of their country, caused the Chinese to break out in a score of scattered attacks on the hated aliens. The culmination was the Boxer Rebellion. The Boxers was a society which had long existed in China for various religious, patriotic and other purposes. It took up the cry "Drive out the foreigners and uphold the dynasty." Government officials by their disinclination to quell the Boxer uprising, showed that their sympathies were with the rioters.
The climax of the outbreak came in and around Pekin, the capital of China. The railroad from the city to the coast was seized, telegraphic connection cut off, and the representatives of the foreign powers were compelled to fortify themselves within the city. On June 19, 1900, all foreigners were ordered to leave within twenty-four hours, and the German minister was shot when he attempted to visit the proper officer in order to protest. The Chinese army poured out to surround the quarter of the city where the legations were situated and cut them off from the rest of the world. All foreigners fled to the British legation, where they constructed bomb proof cellars, raised barricades and planted artillery.[5] The powers, including the United States, combined to send a punitive expedition to Pekin, while the legationers settled down to a state of siege, determined to hold out as long as possible. At last on August 14, when the surviving foreigners were reduced to eating horse flesh and when scores had been killed or wounded, the relief column reached the capital. It was high time. The foreign quarters and much of the business portion, the banks, and the theatres had been burned, and the entire city threatened with destruction.
By the time that the uprisings in Pekin and elsewhere had been suppressed, it was evident that the powers would have a stern accounting with China. Hay had already openly announced the policy of the United States in his note of July 3, 1900; it was that the United States would seek a solution which should bring about permanent safety and peace to China, preserve the territorial entity of the country, protect the rights of friendly powers and insure an equal opportunity for all nations in the commerce of China. Hay continued through the negotiations to urge joint action on the part of the powers, and procured from them a statement disclaiming any purpose to acquire any part of China. At length in December, 1900, the demands upon China were formulated, to which that unhappy nation was compelled to accede. The most important were, punishment for the guilty rioters, safeguards for the future, indemnities for losses and the improvement of commercial relations. The financial indemnity finally placed upon China was $333,000,000, of which $24,000,000 was for the United States. The latter sum proved to be more than sufficient to satisfy all claims and China was relieved from the payment of about $11,000,000. As a mark of appreciation for this act, the Chinese government determined to use the fund in sending students to the United States for education.
While the problems concerning China and the colonial possessions of the
United States were reaching a settlement, on September 6, 1901,
President McKinley attended the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo,
where he was shot by a young fanatic. He died eight days later and
Vice-President Roosevelt succeeded him.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
The framing, contents and ratification of the treaty of 1898 are well described in Chadwick, Latané and Olcott. The treaty itself is conveniently found in William MacDonald, Documentary Source Book of American History (new ed., 1916).
On imperialism: L.A. Coolidge, An Old-Fashioned Senator, O.H. Plat (1910); G.F. Hoar, Autobiography of Seventy Years, contains a strong argument against imperialism; A.C. Coolidge, United States as a World Power (1916).
The best accounts of the election of 1900 are in Stanwood, Croly and
Latané.
The island possessions have given rise to a considerable body of special volumes of a high order. Especially useful are: (Cuba), Elihu Hoot, Military and Colonial Policy of the United States (1916), by McKinley's Secretary of War; L.A. Coolidge, O.H. Platt (1910); A.G. Robinson, Cuba and the Intervention (1905); C.E. Magoon, Republic of Cuba (1908), by the provisional governor during the second intervention. (Porto Rico), W.F. Willoughby, Territories and Dependencies of the United States (1905), by a former treasurer of Porto Rico; L.S. Rowe, United States and Porto Rico (1904). The most complete work on the Philippines is D.C. Worcester, Philippines: Past and Present (2 vols., 1914), by a member of the Commission; the valuable report of Commissioner Taft is in Report of the Philippine Commission, 1907, part 3, printed also as Senate Document 200, 60th Congress, 1st session, vol. 7, (Serial Number 5240).