This speech was made a few days before the annual election in Massachusetts, and just after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Bill. As the first open denunciation of this measure, it awakened much feeling on both sides. All who felt strongly against Slavery were grateful.
It is sometimes said to have made Mr. Sumner Senator. More than anything else, it determined his selection by the Free-Soil party shortly afterwards as their candidate. On the other hand, it was often pronounced "treasonable," and in subsequent discussions at Washington, sometimes in newspapers and repeatedly in the Senate, it was employed to point the personalities of slave-masters and their allies. It was called the "Mark Antony speech." It takes the ground to which Mr. Sumner constantly adhered, that the "Fugitive Slave Bill," as he always insisted upon calling it,—refusing to call it Law,—was absolutely unconstitutional in all respects,—not only, according to the old language of the law, "to a certain intent in general," but also "to a certain intent in every particular." Such an enactment could not be treated as law; and Mr. Sumner insisted that good citizens should refuse to it all support, as our fathers refused all support to the British Stamp Act. His effort and hope were to create a public sentiment which would render its enforcement impossible.
In all times there has been something in the human conscience which forbade certain things, even though ordained by law. "A curse on him who is not enough an honest man and enough a man of courage to be capable of the crime of hospitality towards a proscribed person!" Such is the exclamation of an eloquent historian of the French Revolution, after reciting the proposition of Saint-Just, kindred to the requirement of the Fugitive Slave Bill.[53] Guizot, in his Memoirs, records an illustrative incident. Queen Hortense, mother of Louis Napoleon, at a time when all of her family were excluded from France, suddenly arrived in Paris, when, seeing Casimir Périer, Prime-Minister of Louis Philippe, she began: "I know, Sir, that I have violated a law; you have the right to arrest me; that would be just." "Legal, Madame," said the Minister, "but not just."[54]
At the pending election there was what was called a coalition between the Free-Soilers and Democrats, in the choice of State Senators and Representatives, with the understanding that the State officers chosen by the Legislature should be Democrats, and the United States Senator a Free-Soiler. But nothing was said at the time about candidates.
The meeting at Faneuil Hall was large and enthusiastic. It was organized by the choice of William B. Spooner, Esq., President,—Edward A. Raymond, William Washburn, Henry I. Bowditch, William Bates, Ebenezer Atkins, William Dall, Caleb Gill, Theodore D. Cook, Joseph Southwick, Ephraim Allen, Richard Hildreth, and Robert E. Apthorp, Vice-Presidents,—William F. Channing and Charles List, Secretaries. On taking the chair, Mr. Spooner addressed the meeting. Dr. Luther Parks then read a series of resolutions. Mr. Sumner followed, and was received with much enthusiasm. His speech is printed with the interruptions reported at the time.
Mr. Chairman, and you, my Fellow-Citizens:—
Cold and insensible must I be, not to be touched by this welcome. I thank you for the cause, whose representative only I am. It is the cause which I would keep ever foremost, and commend always to your support.
In a few days there will be an important political election, affecting many local interests. Not by these have I been drawn here to-night, but because I would bear my testimony anew to that Freedom which is above all these. And here, at the outset, let me say, that it is because I place Freedom above all else that I cordially concur in the different unions or combinations throughout the Commonwealth,—in Mr. Mann's District, of Free-Soilers with Whigs,—also in Mr. Fowler's District, of Free-Soilers with Whigs,—and generally, in Senatorial Districts, of Free-Soilers with Democrats. By the first of these two good men may be secured in Congress, while by the latter the friends of Freedom may obtain a controlling influence in the Legislature of Massachusetts during the coming session, and thus advance our cause. [Applause.] They may arbitrate between both the old parties, making Freedom their perpetual object, and in this way contribute more powerfully than they otherwise could to the cause which has drawn us together. [Cheers.]
Leaving these things, so obvious to all, I come at once to consider urgent duties at this anxious moment. To comprehend these we must glance at what Congress has done during its recent session, so long drawn out. This I shall endeavor to do rapidly. "Watchman, what of the night?" And well may the cry be raised, "What of the night?" For things have been done, and measures passed into laws, which, to my mind, fill the day itself with blackness. ["Hear! hear!">[