Wherever I turn in this war, I find the African ready to be our saviour. If you ask for strategy, I know nothing better than that of the slave, Robert Small, who brought the Rebel steamer Planter with its armament out of Charleston, and surrendered it to our Commodore as prize of war. If you ask for successful courage, I know nothing better than that of the African, Tillman, who rose upon a Rebel prize-crew, and, overcoming them, carried the ship into New York. If you ask for heroism, you will find it in that nameless African on board the Pawnee, who, while passing shell from the magazine, lost both his legs by a ball, but, still holding a shell, cries out, “Pass up the shell,—never mind me; my time is up.” If you ask for fidelity, you will find it in that slave, also without a name, who pointed out the road of safety to the harassed, retreating Army of the Potomac. And if you ask for evidence of desire for freedom, you will find it in the little slave-girl, journeying North, whom Banks took up on his cannon.
It is now as at earlier stages of our history. The African is performing his patriotic part, so far as you will let him. At the famous massacre, when the first blood of the Revolution reddened the ice-clad pavements of Boston, Crispus Attucks, an African, once a slave, was among the victims. At Bunker Hill, where our homely troops first stood against British valor, Peter Salem, also an African once a slave, was conspicuous for courage, to the cost of the royal officer who scaled the rampart, so that History names him with honor, and Art presents him in the fore-front of the battle. Trumbull has portrayed the scene. So long as that picture endures, so long as that historic battle haunts the memory, you cannot forget the African fellow-soldier of Prescott and Warren. But there are others like him, ready now to do the same service.
Not for the first time do I here make this appeal. Constantly I have made it before the people and in the Senate, by speech and proposition. I give an instance, being a resolution in the Senate, offered May 26th of this year.
“Resolved, That, in the prosecution of the present war for the suppression of a wicked Rebellion, the time has come for the Government of the United States to appeal to the loyalty of the whole people everywhere, but especially in the Rebel districts, and to invite all, without distinction of color, to make their loyalty manifest by ceasing to fight or labor for the Rebels, and also by rendering every assistance in their power to the cause of the Constitution and the Union, according to their ability, whether by arms, or labor, or information, or in any other way; and since protection and allegiance are reciprocal duties, dependent upon each other, it is the further duty of the Government of the United States to maintain all such loyal people, without distinction of color, in their rights as men, according to the principles of the Declaration of Independence.”[116]
I need not stop to discuss this resolution. You know my opinions, and how I have pressed them in debate. You may also be assured that I have never failed to present them in that quarter where it was peculiarly important they should prevail. On the 4th of July of the present year, in a personal interview with the President, I said: “You need more men, not only at the North, but at the South, in the rear of the Rebels: you need the slaves. Say the word, and you can give to our armies this invaluable alliance,—you can change the rear-guard of the Rebellion into the advance-guard of the Union. It is now the 4th of July. You can make this day more sacred and more historic, and do for it better than the Continental Congress.” Had Emancipation been spoken at that time, I cannot doubt that the salvation of our country would have begun thus earlier. Of course, such a word would have been a blast from the war-trumpet, justified as a military necessity, according to examples of history and the heart of man. And such a blast the President has now blown.
But it is said that all appeal to slaves is unconstitutional; and it is openly assumed that rebels making war on the Constitution are not, like other public enemies, beyond its protection. Why this peculiar tenderness, whenever Slavery is in question? Battalions may be shot down, and property taken without due process of law, but Slavery must not be touched. The ancient Egyptians, when conquered, submitted easily to loss of life and property; but when a Roman soldier happened to kill a cat in the streets, they rose and tore him limb from limb with such violent excitement that the generals overlooked the outrage for fear of insurrection. Slavery is our sacred cat, not to be touched without fear of insurrection. Sir, I am tired and disgusted at hearing the Constitution perpetually invoked for Slavery. According to certain authorities, the Constitution is all for Slavery and nothing for Freedom. I am proud to own that with me just the reverse is the case. There are people who keep apothecaries’ scales, in which they nicely weigh everything done for Freedom. I have no such scales, where Freedom is in question, nor do I hesitate to say that in a case of Freedom all such nicety is unconstitutional. The Constitution is not mean, stingy, and pettifogging, but open-handed, liberal, and just, inclining always in favor of Freedom, and enabling the Government, in time of war, not only to exercise any Rights of War, including liberation of slaves, but also to confer any largess or bounty—it may be of money, or, better still, of freedom—for services rendered. I do not dwell now on the unanswerable argument by which John Quincy Adams has placed this power beyond question.[117] Whatever the provisions of the Constitution for protection of the citizen, they are inapplicable to what is done against a public enemy. The law of an Italian city prohibited the letting of blood under penalty of death; but this did not doom the surgeon who opened a vein to save the life of a citizen. In war there is no constitutional limit to the activity of the Executive, except the emergency. The safety of the people is the highest law. There is no blow the President can strike, there is nothing he can do against the Rebellion, that is not constitutional. Only inaction can be unconstitutional.
Some there are who would sacrifice the lives of our Northern liberty-loving people, and, if this does not save the Union, then strike Slavery. This again is putting cart before horse. Slavery should be struck to save precious blood. The life of a single patriot is worth more than all Slavery; ay, more, it has stronger securities in the Constitution.