Naturally the representative of slave-masters did not approve it. It is enough that he thought it “practicable.”
Several years later, Lord Dunmore reiterated his sentiments and vindicated his appeal. This was at Charleston, where he addressed a communication to Sir Henry Clinton at New York, under date of February 2, 1782, in which he says:—
“Every one that I have conversed with think—and, I must own, my own sentiments perfectly coincide with theirs—that the most efficacious, expeditious, cheapest, and certain means of reducing this country to a proper sense of their duty is in employing the blacks, who are, in my opinion, not only better fitted for service in this warm climate than white men, but they are also better guides, may be got on much easier terms, and are perfectly attached to our sovereign. And by employing them, you cannot devise a means more effectual to distress your foes, not only by depriving them of their property, but by depriving them of their labor. You in reality deprive them of their existence; for without their labor they cannot subsist.”[124]
These examples, with all this testimony, vindicate our Proclamation.
There are other instances nearer our own day. During the last war with England, Admiral Cochrane, commander-in-chief of the British squadron on the American station, was openly charged with inviting slaves of our planters to join the British standard, although the phraseology of his proclamation was covert, offering “all those who might be disposed to emigrate from the United States” service under his Majesty, or encouragement as “free settlers” in the British possessions.[125] Something similar has been anticipated by our own Government on the coast of Florida, as appears from an official report.
“In the event of war with either of the great European powers possessing colonies in the West Indies, there would be danger of the Peninsula of Florida being occupied by blacks from the islands. A proper regard to the security of our Southern States requires that prompt and efficient measures be adopted to prevent such a state of things.”[126]
Here is distinct recognition of danger from black soldiers, if employed against us.
Admitting that an appeal to slaves is constitutional, and also according to examples of history, it is said that it will be unavailing, for the slaves will not hearken to it. Then why not try? It can do no harm, and will at least give us a good name. But, if not beyond learning from the enemy, we shall see that the generals most hated on our side, and, like Adams and Hancock in the Revolution, specially excepted from pardon, are Phelps and Hunter, plainly because the ideas of these generals are more dreaded than any battery or strategy. Of this be assured: the opponents of this appeal are not anxious because it will fail; only because it may be successful do they oppose it. They fear it will reach the slaves, rather than not reach them.