Till she trembled through and through.”
Asserting the efficacy of this appeal, I ground myself on no visionary theories or vain hopes, but on the nature of man and authentic history. To doubt its efficacy is to doubt that man is man, with a constant desire for liberty as for life, and it is also to doubt the unquestionable instances in our own history where this desire has been displayed by African slaves. That a government exposed to the assaults of a merciless barbarian foe should so long reject this irresistible alliance is among questions to excite the astonishment of future ages.
What, then, are the reasons alleged against this appeal? They all resolve themselves into objections of fact. The President, by his Proclamation, has already answered them practically; but I will take them up in detail.
(1.) The first objection, and most often repeated, is one which it is difficult to treat with patience. We are told that the appeal will offend the Border States, and that, in this moment of trial, we must do as they tell us. It is, of course, slave-masters who speak for the Border States; and permit me to say, such persons, continuing to swear by Slavery, are not competent witnesses. Believing in Slavery, wedded to Slavery, they are as incompetent to testify as husband and wife are incompetent to testify for each other. Just in proportion as we follow them we are misled, and we shall continue to be misled so long as we follow them. Their influence is perpetual paralysis. Nobody can counsel safely at this moment who adheres to Slavery, or fails to see Slavery as the origin and mainspring of the Rebellion. It is well known that for a long time in England all efforts against Slavery, led by Wilberforce and Clarkson, were discountenanced and opposed by the slave-masters in the distant islands. Whatever the proposition, whether to abridge, to mitigate, or ameliorate, there was always one steady dissent. Put not your trust in slave-masters,—do not hearken to their promises,—do not follow their counsels. Such is the plain lesson of English history, of French history, of Dutch history, of every country which has dealt with this question,—ay, of Russian history at this very moment,—and such, also, is the positive caution of English statesmen. On this point we have the concurring testimony of three names, each of which is an authority. It is all embodied in a brief passage of a speech by Lord Brougham.
“I entirely concur in the observation of Mr. Burke, repeated and more happily expressed by Mr. Canning, that the masters of slaves are not to be trusted with making laws upon Slavery,—that nothing they do is ever found effectual,—and that, if by some miracle they ever chance to enact a wholesome regulation, it is always found to want what Mr. Burke calls the executory principle,—it fails to execute itself.”[130]
These are emphatic words, and as often as I am reminded of the opinions of Slave-Masters on our present duties, when Slavery is in question, I think of them as a solemn warning, confirmed by all the teachings of experience in our own country, early and late.
(2.) Another objection is, that officers in our army will fling down their arms. Very well,—let the traitors fling down their arms: the sooner, the better. They are unworthy to bear arms, and should be delivered up to the hissing and execration of mankind. But I will not dishonor officers with the commission of the United States by such imputation on their loyalty and common sense. As officers they must know their duty too well, and as intelligent men they must know that the slaves are calculated to be their best and surest allies.
(3.) Another objection is, that Slavery is a “side issue,” not to be touched until the war is ended. But these wise objectors forget that it is precisely in order to end the war that Slavery is to be touched, and that, when they oppose the effort, they make a “side issue” in its behalf, calculated to weaken the national arm.