The recommendation of President Lincoln to aid the States in Emancipation, though urged by him, never found great favor in Congress. Among the measures prompted by it was one introduced into the House of Representatives by Mr. Noell, of Missouri, entitled, “A Bill giving aid to the State of Missouri for the purpose of securing the abolishment of Slavery in said State.” This provided that the Government of the United States would, upon the passage of a good and valid Act of Emancipation of all the slaves therein, and to be irrepealable, unless by the consent of the United States, apply the sum of ten million dollars in United States bonds, redeemable in thirty years from date. It passed the House by 73 yeas against 46 nays.
In the Senate, this bill was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, which reported a substitute, when it was recommitted and another substitute reported, by which it was provided, that, on the adoption of a valid law by Missouri “for the gradual or immediate emancipation of all the slaves therein, and the exclusion of Slavery forever thereafter from said State,” twenty million dollars in United States bonds should be applied “to compensate for the inconveniences produced by such change of system,” which was to take effect “on some day not later than the fourth day of July, 1876”; but the bonds were not to exceed ten million dollars, unless there was “full and perfect manumission” before the fourth day of July, 1865, nor in their aggregate were they to exceed “the sum of three hundred dollars for each slave emancipated.”
This recognition of the principle of Gradual Emancipation, especially as a war measure, was very disagreeable to Mr. Sumner. February 7th, he moved to strike out “seventy-six” and insert “sixty-four,” so that the Act of Emancipation should go into operation on the 4th of July, 1864; and here he remarked:—
Mr. President,—This bill, as I understand it, is a bill of peace; it is to bring back tranquillity in a disturbed State. If you ask for authority under the Constitution, I cannot doubt that it is in the War Power. It is in the power to suppress this insurrection, to put down this rebellion. But most strangely do you seek to put down this rebellion by the abolition of Slavery twenty years, or even ten years, from now. To my mind the proposition is simply ridiculous. I use strong language, because so it seems to me, and I cannot help saying it.
Sir, for the sake of our common country at this critical moment, for the sake of Missouri herself, for the sake of every slave-master in Missouri, and for the sake of every slave, I insist that Abolition shall be completed at the nearest possible day. History, reason, and common sense are uniform in this requirement, and I challenge contradiction to their concurring testimony.
The measure on its face is double, being in the alternative. It provides a certain sum in the event of Emancipation taking place within two years, and another sum if it takes place at a certain distant day. Now, Sir, I do not desire any alternative. I trust that what we do will take effect at once. I wish to see the benefit of it, especially to see it felt in the suppression of the Rebellion.
Mr. Willey, of West Virginia, said, that, in his estimation, “it would be much better for Missouri, and for the slave, if, instead of 1876, it was 1900”; and he was followed by Mr. Henderson, of Missouri, on the same side. Mr. Sumner replied briefly.
I assume that Senators are in earnest for something to put down the Rebellion. Our country, I know, is rich in resources. It can vote millions for almost any purpose; but still I doubt if the Senator from Missouri would urge Congress, at this moment, to appropriate millions, unless he expected in this way to do something very positive against the Rebellion. I assume that this is his object, and also the object of other Senators urging this measure. Is there any other object to justify, at this moment, a vote for it? Is there any Senator who will toss twenty or ten millions of money to any State, unless he is satisfied that by doing so he can help put an end to the Rebellion? On this point all must agree. Therefore do I insist on the single question, How shall we most surely help put an end to the Rebellion? If this can be best accomplished by immediate Emancipation, then must we vote accordingly. But if it is better to allow Emancipation to drag through twenty or even ten years, with the possibility of reaction, and with the certainty of controversy during all this period, and, above all, without any immediate good, then will Senators vote accordingly. Sir, I am against any such thing. I wish the measure to be effective for the object proposed, and, as I do not believe it can be effective, unless immediate, I must vote accordingly.
The amendment of Mr. Sumner was lost,—Yeas 11, Nays 26.