June 6th, Mr. Anthony, of Rhode Island, who had voted for the tax on slaves, moved a reconsideration, not because he had changed his opinion, but, as he said, at the request of Senators. This was to give an opportunity for another vote.
In the debate which ensued the amendment was assailed by Mr. Doolittle, Mr. Browning, Mr. Cowan, and Mr. Hale. The latter quoted the words,—
“And if we cannot alter things,
Egad, we’ll change their names, Sir,”[70]—
and insisted, that, however it might be called, it was a tax on slaves; on which Mr. Wade remarked from his seat, “So much the better.” Mr. Sumner said in reply:—
MR. PRESIDENT,—I presume there is no difference among Senators in desire to follow the Constitution. The Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Hale], on my right, cannot be more desirous to follow it than the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. Wilmot], on my left. In that respect they are equal. Nor do I believe that the Senator from Illinois [Mr. Browning], over the way, can claim any particular monopoly of such devotion. In that respect, Sir, we are all equal. Our difference is as to the meaning of the Constitution. But it is a poor argument which finds its chief force in asseverations of devotion to the Constitution. Conscious of my obligation to support it, and of my loyalty, I make no such asseverations.
Nor again, Sir, do I believe that the Senator from New Hampshire can take to himself any monopoly of praise for denying the whole offensive pretension of property in man. Is he more earnest in this denial than many other Senators? Is he more earnest than the Senator from Pennsylvania near me? Is he more earnest than myself? Has he denied it oftener in debate or public speech? To me the pretension is absurd as it is wicked. A man may as well claim property in a star as in his fellow-man. And yet, Sir, with this conviction, I cannot forget that I am here, as a Senator, to legislate with regard to existing institutions, and to see things as they are. I cannot be blind to the fact of Slavery. Slavery exists as a monstrous fact, an enormity, if you please, but still it exists; and as a legislator I am to act on its existence. Am I not right? Can I presume on this occasion to be guided by my inner conviction that there is no property in man, when, looking to the Slave States, I am compelled to see the great, unquestionable fact of pretended property? To my mind, it is more practical to recognize the fact, and to proceed accordingly.
The Senator from Illinois insists that this is a capitation tax, and he reads the text of the Constitution. What is a capitation tax? The precise definition in Webster’s Dictionary—if the Senator will excuse me for going to an authority which is not a law book—is “a tax or imposition upon each head or person, a poll tax.” Such is the tax with regard to which the provision of the Constitution read by the Senator was adopted. This provision is not applicable to any other tax, but simply to this special tax.