There only remains in this review, to which the Senator invites me, the empire of Russia, bound by many years of history to amity with the United States, and absolutely fixed as our friend beyond any jar of diplomacy or any jealousy of growing power. But our commercial relations with this extensive country are inferior to those with Belgium; and St. Petersburg is further removed from the great centre of observation than Brussels. The Emperor of Russia is illustrious from a transcendent act, for which his name will be blessed; but his assured regard for us takes away all solicitude as to his policy, while the complications of present questions in which he is involved render his relations to other European governments less intimate than those of King Leopold, even if the latter had not, from family and long experience, a position of peculiar weight in the scale of European affairs, so that Belgium under his rule has a value beyond her natural power or territorial extent. Belgium may be small in domain, but so was Greece; nor will any one presume to measure the influence her sovereign may exercise by the number of square miles he governs.
But the Senator asked if there was any other government so small in numbers where we were represented by a plenipotentiary. I have before me, from the last almanac, the population of Chile, where we have a plenipotentiary. It is one million five hundred and fifty-eight thousand. Here, also, is the population of Peru, where we have a plenipotentiary,—two million five hundred thousand.
Mr. Davis. I believe that those missions ought to be reduced, and I would vote to-day for the reduction of the missions to Chile and to Peru.
Mr. Sumner. Very well; but let us take each question by itself. That is the more practical way. When the proposition to reduce the missions to Chile and Peru comes before the Senate, I shall be ready to meet it, and I do not say that I shall differ from the Senator; but that proposition is not now before us, nor is it involved even indirectly in the pending amendment.
It is said, that, if we raise this mission, next year there will be attempt to raise the salary. Very well; when that comes, we can meet it. Again it is said that next year there will be attempt to raise both mission and salary at the Hague and other places. Very well; when the time comes,—and it must have the sanction of a committee of this body to come before the Senate,—we will meet it. Meanwhile I ask you to consider the actual question under debate, which is, whether you will authorize the Government, in view of the peculiar circumstances of the case and for the support of our interests abroad, to raise the Belgian mission without any increase of salary. I have said this too often, I know; but I have been driven to it by the pertinacity with which Senators have insisted upon presenting the case in a false light.
The amendment was adopted,—Yeas 21, Nays 18,—and the bill passed the Senate; but the House of Representatives would not consent to raise the Belgian mission. Two different conference committees were appointed. The first united in the following substitute, drawn by Mr. Sumner, which would enable the President to raise the mission in his discretion without increase of salary: “That an envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, appointed at any place where the United States are now represented by a minister resident, shall receive the compensation fixed by law and appropriated for a minister resident, and no more.” But this was disagreed to by the House, and at the second conference the Senate receded from the amendment, so that it was lost.
In the next Congress it was renewed by Mr. Sumner, and prevailed. It will be found in the Consular and Diplomatic Act of July 25, 1866.[106]