We now debate.”
One of their orators said plainly, that “he was opposed to fighting the General Government, or anybody else,—that he was ready to submit to its wishes, as he would to a highway robber whose power he was not able to resist.” Another, less frank, thought it policy to accept the present condition of affairs, until the control of the State is restored into the hands of its people, and “to submit for a time to evils which cannot be remedied.” And still another, much more wily, when urging seeming acceptance of the Union, thus lured his brother conspirators: “If we act wisely, we shall be joined by what is called the Copperhead party, and even by many of the Black Republicans.” Such is the plot, and such the disastrous alliance foreshadowed. But, thank God, in encouraging his comrades, the conspirator has warned us. Forewarned, forearmed.
From all quarters comes the warning, “Trust not their presents, nor admit the horse!” The voice of the Grecian Sinon was not more treacherous. The testimony is concurring. Military officers returning from the South, public functionaries, intelligent travellers, loyal residents, each and all speak with one voice. By conversation and by letter I have gathered the proofs, which are complete. Persons who have had peculiar opportunities unite in report that the rebel spirit still prevails, that the treatment of the freedmen is beastly, and that the national debt is denounced. Two eminent gentlemen, whose official positions have made them familiar with public opinion in two different States, have expressed to me the conviction that there is not a single ex-Rebel who would vote to pay the interest on the national debt. A trustworthy traveller, who has just visited Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama, with which he was already familiar, writes me: “The former masters exhibit a most cruel, remorseless, and vindictive spirit towards the colored people. In parts where there are no Union soldiers, I saw colored women treated in the most outrageous manner. They have no rights that are respected. They are killed, and their bodies thrown into ponds or mud-holes. They are mutilated by having ears and noses cut off.” A loyalist from Texas declares: “What we of the South fear is that President Johnson’s course will, by its precipitancy, enable the old set to reorganize themselves into place and power. For Heaven’s sake preserve us, if you can, from this calamity.” A loyal resident of North Carolina breaks forth: “I tell you, Sir, the only difference now and one year ago is that the flag is acknowledged as supreme, and there is some fear manifested, and they have no arms. The sentiment is the same. If anything otherwise, more hatred exists towards the Government. I know there is more towards Union men, both black and white.” It is natural that such a people should already talk of repudiating the national debt. Here is a bit on this vital point. A young man in gray was asked: “Would it be safe to trust white men at the South with the power to repudiate the national debt?” To which he replied at once: “Repudiate? I should hope they would! I’m whipped, and I’ll own it; but I’m not so fond of a whipping that I’m going to pay a man’s expenses while he gives it to me. Of course, there are not ten men in the whole South that wouldn’t repudiate!” Thus spoke the Rebel uniform. But here are the grave words of a candidate for Congress in Virginia, in his address to the people:—
“I am opposed to the Southern States being taxed at all for the redemption of this debt, either directly or indirectly; and if elected to Congress, I will oppose all such measures, and I will vote to repeal all laws that have heretofore been passed for that purpose; and in doing so, I do not consider that I violate any obligations to which the South was a party. We have never plighted our faith for the redemption of the war debt. The people will be borne down with taxes for years to come, even if the war debt is repudiated. It will be the duty of the Government to support the maimed and disabled soldiers, and this will be a great expense; and if the United States Government requires the South to be taxed for the support of Union soldiers, we should insist that all disabled soldiers should be maintained by the United States Government, without regard to the side they had taken in the war.”
Again I say, Forewarned, forearmed. Surely there can be no limits to our resistance, when such spirits are seeking to capture the National Government; but beyond that general resistance, which must make us postpone the day of surrender, and invoke the protection of Congress, we must insist upon special guaranties in the organic law.
1. As the Rebellion began with the pretension that a State might withdraw from the Union, it is plain that the Unity of the Republic must be affirmed,—not indirectly, but directly,—not, as in Mississippi, by simply declaring the late Act of Secession null and void, but as in Missouri, where the relations of the State to the Union are thus frankly stated: “That this State shall ever remain a member of the American Union; that the people thereof are a part of the American Nation; that every citizen owes paramount allegiance to the Constitution and Government of the United States; and that no law or ordinance of this State in contravention or subversion thereof can have any binding force.” In contrast with this plain renunciation, the proceedings of Mississippi have no more significance than the vulgar saying, “Big as a piece of chalk.” As security for the future, they are nothing, absolutely nothing. And permit me to say, that the whole Convention, so far as we have been informed, was little better than a Rebel conspiracy to obtain political power.