April 17th, the motion to reconsider was taken up during the morning hour, when Mr. Sumner declared his continued opposition to the proposed State, and his sense of the mistake the Senate would make in reconsidering the late vote. In the course of these remarks, he said:—
I hope, therefore, that the Senate will not proceed to reconsider the vote which, to their honor, they have already recorded. They did well, when, after two days’ debate, by a large vote, they deliberately refused to receive this Territory into the Union. Has anything occurred since to cause a reversal of opinion? Is there any new evidence? Are there new facts? Is there anything which can change your responsibilities, or make you see your duty in a different light? Has that constitution been amended? Has the word “white” been struck out? Why, Sir, at this moment the most important practical question before the country is, whether we shall allow the word “white” in the constitutions of the late Rebel States. Sir, with what just weight can you insist that this word shall be excluded from those constitutions, when you deliberately receive into the Union a new State openly announcing this rule of exclusion? I say, therefore, for the sake of my country, for the sake of public tranquillity, and in loyalty to those fundamental principles on which so much depends, and which, whether as Senator or citizen, I can never forget, I appeal to you, Sir, and to my associates on this floor, not to allow this question to be revived. Let Colorado wait at least until she recognizes the Declaration of Independence.
The morning hour expired as Mr. Sumner finished, and the question was dropped.
April 19th, Mr. Wilson moved that the Senate proceed with the motion to reconsider. Mr. Sumner then said:—
Mr. President, I hope the Senate will not proceed with that question to-day, and I assign two reasons. The first is, that, looking about the Senate, I see many absent who ought to be here. The second is, that this day, here in the national capital, is dedicated to the cause of human freedom and human rights,—the great cause of Emancipation. The streets to-day are filled with a happy people, emancipated by Act of Congress, and now celebrating the anniversary of their rights. It is, Sir, no proper day to recognize human inequality by receiving into the Union a community which chooses to appear here with a constitution setting at defiance the fundamental principles of the Declaration of Independence. Sir, this is no day for the consideration of that question. I insist that this day shall be kept sacred to human rights,—not be given up to their overthrow.
I may be told, Sir, that there are but ninety colored persons in this distant Territory,—only ninety to be sacrificed. If there were but one, that would be enough to justify my opposition. Out of those ninety, more than seventy-five have borne arms for you in the late war; and yet these people are now positively disfranchised in the constitution it is proposed to recognize. Sir, if you choose to do it, if you do not hesitate to insult the public sentiment of the age by such an act, do not do it to-day.
Mr. Wilson followed. He said, that, on the 3d day of March, 1863, his colleague voted that the people of Colorado should be authorized to frame a constitution; that he did not then propose that she should not make the offensive discrimination; that he never suggested it; that he did not dream of it; that he did not think it fair play to refuse the application of this Territory on account of a distinction they have made, when we imposed no conditions on them, and did not even suggest any.
Mr. Lane, of Indiana, said: “I believe that there is no instance in the whole history of the admission of new States where that word ‘white’ has not been the prefix to the qualification for holding office and voting.”