The Louisiana Bill, though pressed by the Senator from Illinois, was defeated; and the equal rights of the colored race were happily vindicated. His opposition was strenuous.
But, Sir, I did not content myself with action in this Chamber. Our good President was assassinated. The Vice-President succeeded to his place. Being here in Washington, I entered at once into relations with him,—hoping to bring, if possible, his great influence in favor of this measure of Reconstruction; and here is a record, made shortly afterward, which I will read.
“During this period I saw the President frequently,—sometimes at the private house he then occupied, and sometimes at his office in the Treasury. On these occasions the constant topic was ‘Reconstruction,’ which was considered in every variety of aspect. More than once I ventured to press upon him the duty and the renown of carrying out the principles of the Declaration of Independence, and of founding the new governments in the Rebel States on the consent of the governed, without any distinction of color. To this earnest appeal he replied, on one occasion, as I sat with him alone, in words which I can never forget: ‘On this question, Mr. Sumner, there is no difference between us: you and I are alike.’ Need I say that I was touched to the heart by this annunciation, which seemed to promise a victory without a battle? Accustomed to controversy, I saw clearly, that, if the President declared himself in favor of the Equal Rights of All, the good cause must prevail without controversy.”[249]
Then followed another incident:—
“On another occasion, during the same period, the case of Tennessee was discussed. I expressed the hope most earnestly that the President would use his influence directly for the establishment of impartial suffrage in that State,—saying, that, in this way, Tennessee would be put at the head of the returning column, and be made an example,—in one word, that all the other States would be obliged to dress on Tennessee. The President replied, that, if he were at Nashville, he would see that this was accomplished. I could not help rejoining promptly, that he need not be at Nashville, for at Washington his hand was on the long end of the lever, with which he could easily move all Tennessee,—referring, of course, to the powerful, but legitimate, influence which the President might exercise in his own State by the expression of his desires.”[250]
Then, again, as I was about to leave on my return home to Massachusetts, in an interview with him I ventured to express my desires and aspirations as follows: this was in May, 1865:—
“After remarking that the Rebel region was still in military occupation, and that it was the plain duty of the President to use his temporary power for the establishment of correct principles, I proceeded to say: ‘First, see to it that no newspaper is allowed which is not thoroughly loyal and does not speak well of the National Government and of Equal Rights’; and here I reminded him of the saying of the Duke of Wellington, that in a place under martial law an unlicensed press was as impossible as on the deck of a ship of war. ‘Secondly, let the officers that you send as military governors or otherwise be known for their devotion to Equal Rights, so that their names alone will be a proclamation, while their simple presence will help educate the people’; and here I mentioned Major-General Carl Schurz, who still held his commission in the Army, as such a person. ‘Thirdly, encourage the population to resume the profitable labors of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, without delay,—but for the present to avoid politics. Fourthly, keep the whole Rebel region under these good influences, and at the proper moment hand over the subject of Reconstruction, with the great question of Equal Rights, to the judgment of Congress, where it belongs.’ All this the President received at the time with perfect kindness; and I mention this with the more readiness because I remember to have seen in the papers a very different statement.”[251]
Before I left Washington, and in the midst of my interviews with the President, I was honored by a communication from colored citizens of North Carolina, asking my counsel with regard to their rights, especially the right to vote. I will not read their letter,—it was published in the papers of the time, and much commented upon,—but I will read my reply.[252]
“Washington, May 13, 1865.