Subsequently, on the same day, the pending bill was itself defeated, the original bill being preferred,—and the latter now coming up, Mr. Sumner renewed his amendment, remarking,—
Now I have to say that that is worth all the rest of the bill put together. That is a section that is pure gold. It will do more for the character and honor and good name of this Republic than all the rest of the bill. I am for the rest of the bill, but this is better than all the rest. Now I ask for the yeas and nays.
After further debate the amendment prevailed,—Yeas 27, Nays 22; whereupon Mr. Williams, of Oregon, moved the following addition:—
“Provided, That nothing in this Act shall be construed to authorize the naturalization of persons born in the Chinese Empire.”
July 4th, the debate on the House bill being resumed, Mr. Conkling, of New York, criticized sharply the course of Mr. Sumner in pressing his amendment, to the peril of the bill,—denominating it “an act of self-will in defeating the purpose of a great majority of this body to consummate a simple, practical, and urgent measure.” Mr. Sumner replied as follows:—
Mr. President,—The Senator from New York has chosen to make an assault on me to-day, because, in the discharge of my duties, I do not see my duty as he sees his duty,—because on this Fourth day of July I choose to stand by the Declaration of our fathers. For that I am impeached by the Senator from New York.
He presses me to postpone this proposition until to-morrow. When, Sir, will that to-morrow come? Can the Senator tell? Is he adept enough to indicate the day, or even the week, when a vote can be had on it? The Senator knows, he must know, that, if not voted on now, it will fail during the present session. The Senator shakes his head; but he knows too much of the business now before the Senate not to see that I am right. What chance is there of getting before the Senate the original bill containing this proposition? Why, Sir, the bill was introduced first on the 19th of July, 1867, now three years ago. I tried then to put it on its passage, deeming it so simple that there was no need of a reference to any committee. The Senator from Vermont [Mr. Edmunds] prevailed against me by insisting that it should be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. It was referred, and there it slumbered until that Congress was about to close, thus sleeping the long sleep.
On the 22d of March, 1869, which was in the next Congress, I introduced the same bill again,—I have it before me,—and again it slumbered in the hands of the Judiciary Committee until a few weeks ago, when at last it was reported to the Senate. Then it took its place on the Calendar, with the numerous other bills there, important and unimportant, some very important, all in competition with it.
What chance have I had for a vote upon it? From the 19th of July, 1867, down to this hour, Saturday was the first day I was able to have a vote upon it; and now to-day Senators insist that I shall withdraw it, and postpone the whole question to some “to-morrow,” some indefinite, unknown to-morrow.
“To-morrow, and to-morrow, and to-morrow