Mr. Morton rose.
Mr. Sumner. Allow me to give one more illustration, and then the Senator may interfere.—It has a parallel in earlier days, when the British Government selected the king of the Mosquitoes as their puppet on the margin of Central America. They called the Indian chief a king, and actually sent to him certain “regalia” and other signs of royal honor, and then, pretending to act under him, they claimed the jurisdiction of that region. Are we not now treating Baez in some measure as England treated the Mosquito king?
Mr. Morton. Will the Senator allow me to ask him a question?
Mr. Sumner. Certainly.
Mr. Morton. If this Commission go down there, they can return an answer to all these broad statements of the Senator, whether they are true or not. The Senator understands that; but I wish to ask him if he does not know, that, in answer to all this that he is talking about, it has been urged that all parties in San Domingo, whether they are for Baez or Cabral, or whoever they are for, are for annexation? If that is true, all this is utterly immaterial, except as something thrown in to obscure this subject before the public. I aver—and the Commission will show it—that all parties, whether against the Baez Government or for it, are equally for annexation; and if that is true, all this is frivolous.
Mr. Sumner. Mr. President, I alluded yesterday to the late Prime-Minister of France, who said that he accepted war “with a light heart.”[262] The Senator from Indiana speaks in the same vein. He says that my allegation is “frivolous.” Sir, never was there a more important allegation brought forward in this Chamber. Frivolous! Is it frivolous, when I see the flag of my country prostituted to an act of wrong? Is it frivolous, when I see the mighty power of this Republic degraded to an act of oppression? Nothing frivolous——
Mr. Edmunds. What do you say as to the point, What are the wishes of the people of that country?
Mr. Sumner. I was remarking on the charge of frivolity; perhaps the Senator will let me finish on that head; I had not finished.—I say that there is nothing frivolous in the suggestion; I insist that it is grave. It is too grave; it is oppressive to this Government and this country. The Senator from Indiana asks, Why not send out this Commission?—he always comes back to his Commission,—Why not send these men out? I say, Why send them out, when we now have in the archives of this Republic evidence that this very Baez is sustained in power by the naval force of the United States, and that he now looks to this force for protection? Can you send out a commission under such circumstances without making yourself a party to the transaction?
And now I answer still further. The Senator asks if I am not aware that all persons there are in favor of annexion,—and the inquiry is repeated by my friend, the Senator from Vermont. I answer categorically, No, I am not aware of it; I understand the contrary. I have at least as good information as any accessible during the last week, and it is not four days old, just to the contrary. There are two chieftains in Dominica: one the political jockey with whom our Government has united, and who is now sustained in power by our naval force; and the other is Cabral, who, as I have been assured by one who is bound to be well-informed, represents the people of his country, besides being de jure its head. Some time ago Cabral favored the sale of the Bay of Samana to the United States; but I am assured that he has never favored annexion to the United States. I am assured that his policy is to bring the two Governments of Dominica and Hayti once more together, as they were down to the revolution and war which lasted from 1844 to 1848, terminating in the uncertain independence of the Dominican part of the island.
Now I have answered categorically the inquiries of my two friends. The evidence, as I have it, is not that these two chieftains are agreed. On the contrary, there is between them discord; they differ from each other,—one seeking unity for these two Governments, the other seeking to sell his country for a price. But, whatever may be the sentiment of the people, whether Baez and Cabral agree or disagree, I come back to the single practical point that Baez has been, and is now, maintained in power by the naval force of the United States. Deny it, if you can. All this is still worse, when it is considered that the very Constitution of Dominica, under which the adventurer professes to hold rule, provides that there shall be no transfer to any foreign power of any portion of the country.