February 5th, in pursuance of the opposition announced in his speech, Mr. Carpenter moved another bill as a substitute for Mr. Sumner’s. Mr. Norwood, of Georgia, sustained the substitute; Mr. Wilson of Massachusetts, Mr. Frelinghuysen of New Jersey, and Mr. Morton of Indiana predicated the earlier proposition. Mr. Sumner then replied to Mr. Carpenter.
Before the vote is taken, I hope the Senate will pardon me, if I explain briefly the difference between the two amendments.
First let me say a word in regard to the way in which the amendment moved by me comes before the Senate. Even this circumstance has been dwelt on in this debate, and I have been criticized—I think not always justly—on that account. Here is a memorandum made for me at the desk from the Journal of the Senate, which shows the history of this amendment. I will read it.[225]
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At last, during this session, before the holidays, when the present measure of Amnesty was under consideration, I found for the first time a chance. Twice had I introduced the bill, and on my motion it was referred to the Judiciary Committee, who had twice reported against it. Sir, was I to be discouraged on that account? No committee enjoys higher authority on this floor than the Judiciary Committee; but I have been here long enough to know that its reports do not always find favor. Have we not during this very session, within a very few days, seen that committee overruled on the Apportionment question?
REPLY TO MR. CARPENTER.
Therefore, Sir, I am not without precedent, when I bring forward an important measure and ask your votes, even though it have not the sanction of this important committee. I wish it had their sanction; but I do not hesitate to say that this bill is more important to the Judiciary Committee than that committee is important to the bill. In this matter the committee will suffer most. A measure like this, which links with the National Constitution, and with the Declaration of Independence, if the Senator from Wisconsin will pardon me—
Mr. Carpenter. I rise to ask why that inquiry is made of me. Have I criticized allusions to the Declaration of Independence?
Mr. Sumner. I feared the Senator would not allow allusion to the Declaration, except as a “revolutionary” document. I say, this measure, linked as it is with the great title-deeds of our country, merits the support not only of the Judiciary Committee, but of this Chamber. The Senate cannot afford to reject it.
Sir, I am weak and humble; but I know that when I present this measure and plead for its adoption I am strong, because I have behind me infinite justice and the wrongs of an oppressed race. The measure is not hasty. It has been carefully considered already in this Chamber, much considered elsewhere, considered by lawyers, by politicians,—ay, Sir, and considered by our colored fellow-citizens, whose rights it vindicates. But at the eleventh hour the Senator comes forward with a substitute which is to a certain extent an emasculated synonym of the original measure, seeming to be like and yet not like, feeble where the original is strong, incomplete where the original is complete, petty where the original is ample, and without machinery for its enforcement, while the original is well-supplied and most effective.